Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 12, 2007, 14:08 GMT
Mecca - For some non-Arab Muslims, Mecca not only represents sanctity. It also embodies a notion not unlike the 'American dream' - a place promising a secure job, food on the table and a happy family.
Mecca has a special place in the hearts of Muslims as the birth place of the Prophet Mohammed, the founder of Islam, and the place where the Koran was revealed to him.
It also houses the Kaaba, the central stone structure believed to have been built by Abraham - a place of pilgrimage for Muslims from all over the world, and the place to which they direct their prayers five times a day.
There are two types of foreigners in Mecca: those who entered the country on a pilgrim's visa and stayed, hiding from the authorities, and those who took refuge there for religious or political reasons.
Both groups live in secluded neighbourhoods in the heart of Mecca or on the outskirts of the city, 73 kilometres east of Jeddah.
However, the dreams of poverty-stricken foreign Muslims, who seep into the city with their families in toe, are often shattered, and they frequently end up working in badly-paid day jobs.
Many of them resort to pick-pocketing, while others get into prostitution and drug trafficking, local observers say. Others beg.
Near the holy mosque in central Mecca, numerous foreign Muslims dressed in black ask the worshippers for money or food in their broken Arabic.
Persistent female beggars as young as ten trot in their flowing knee-length veils behind strangers, while the crippled among them make a point of showing their amputated legs or arms to the mosque visitors to goad sympathy.
There are no statistics on the number of illegal residents currently living in Mecca, but a police officer, who refused to disclose his name, said there might be 'thousands of them' living among Mecca's one-million-plus population.
They come in large numbers, he said, through main checkpoints or through unofficial routes in the mountains, and they are sometimes aided by Saudis who help them stay under-cover from the police in return for money.
According to the policeman, who is assigned to a local police department that monitors violations of foreign residents, said that at least '500 illegal residents are rounded up every night. Most of them are men.'
'They confess that they came to Mecca looking for a source of living,' he said, adding: 'They admit that they have not come for the Hajj or the Ummra (pilgrimages). Some claim they're Muslims while they're not.'
Some Mecca residents feel insecure around foreigners, who are often accused of violence. But the authorities failed to clamp down on them and only struck when crimes happened, some Saudis complain.
The Afghans, reportedly with expired visas, live in an area called al-Masafy Mountain, near the Old City - the central area where the al-Masjid al-Haram mosque and the Kaaba are located. The Burmese and the Pakistanis are largely based in Qouz al-Nakassa.
In Hosh Bakr, near al-Mansour district, where hundreds of Nigerian Muslims have been living for decades, one can see the misery. Amid the dirt and the garbage, their make-shift camps have slowly turned into brick and mud houses.
No larger than a cabin, each house is said to take in at least a family of five or six, some even more. Built along the rugged foothills of the mountain, the houses have neither sewerage nor electricity.
The people live on bottles of expired milk, juices and food that are sold cheaply. Water tankers tagged 'Well water, not suitable for drinking' drive around the area. The people use it for drinking and washing because it is affordable. A local resident explains that this is their only water supply.
No statistics on mortality rates in the area are available, as many inhabitants have neither papers nor identification. But accidents and disease are common in their communities.
Hanan al-Matrafy, a physician at a local clinic, said that particularly skin rashes and diseases were spreading quickly, as were diarrhoea and common colds.
However, she insisted that state hospitals were frequently sending health campaigns and nurses into these areas, providing free medication and vaccinations to both authorized and unauthorized residents.
'The state is keen that infections are not spread,' al-Matrafy said. Yet, some services, such as assistance at birth, are not free.
In the quarters around their houses, the African Muslims engage in their morning activities setting up their local flea-market, where they sell food, second-hand clothes, rusty car spares, old toys and many other goods, which some people claim are stolen.
The locals recognize strangers straightaway, and are afraid of talking to the press. Most of them, especially the older ones, do not even speak Arabic.
One of the few Saudis living among the foreigners said that their fear came from 'the constant police raids that these areas are subjected to.'
The young man, who wanted to remain anonymous, said that local authorities imposed a daily midnight-to-dawn curfew on these areas. 'When I attempt to go out after dusk, I meet several checkpoints, and I'm asked all kinds of questions even though I'm a Saudi.'
He said he had to justify himself for leaving his house, and repeatedly explain his whereabouts. But everyone in these areas faced the same security restrictions.
'Everyone knows (the authorities) cannot control this (illegal) populace. If they arrest ten of them, 50 others will come in their place.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1290468.php/Mecca_a_sanctuary_for_non-Arab_illegal_dreamers
http://rawstory.com/news/dpa/Mecca_a_sanctuary_for_non_Arab_ille_04122007.html
Friday, April 13, 2007
Monday, April 09, 2007
ANALYSIS: Rage and protests mark the anniversary of Baghdad invasion (dpa)
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 9, 2007, 16:15 GMT
Baghdad - Four years after the US invasion of Iraq, large crowds bearing banners with anti-US slogans took to the streets in protest of the US presence across Iraq.
US troops seized Baghdad on April 9, 2003, taking control of the major palaces and ministries of the Baath regime and effectively toppling Saddam.
In Baghdad, the mood on the anniversary of this event, was that of caution even though the streets of the Iraqi capital were quieter than usual as a round-the-clock curfew took effect.
Many Iraqis say they do not feel safer despite foreign military presence and some are as eager to leave the country as they were years before. Officials, meanwhile, find it hard to predict the future of the war-torn country as the security's grip on militants and terror groups appears to waver.
'The situation after the occupation became crueler than during the reign of Saddam (Hussein),' said 34-year-old Wasslim Sabri.
'Saddam went, and a hundred other Saddams replaced him,' said Ibrahim Salman, who is in his late fifties. 'The murders we see are beyond even the mass graves of Saddam.'
Both Iraqi citizens said they were unable to spend quality time with their families amid the current unrest. Security at every street corner did not end the violence, even as people's movements were restricted, markets barricaded and entire neighbourhoods were sealed off.
In other Iraqi cities on Monday, rage and anger was evident as hundreds of thousands of Shiite protestors flocked to places such as Najaf to protest what they called the US 'occupation' of Iraq.
A so-called 'march of millions' was called for by radical Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, whose feared Mahdi army militia is believed to have infiltrated Iraqi police and army ranks and is considered responsible for violence targeting Sunni Arabs as well as foreign and local armed forces across Iraq.
Those who did not protest kept to their homes for fear of an outbreak of violence related to the anniversary. In the media, Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds argued on whether the US invasion has brought about any peace or freedom.
Talking to pan-Arab Al-Jazeera, a Sunni Iraqi expert said that the only freedom that the 'Americans have brought is the freedom of the occupier to kill Iraqis,' adding that Iraq had suffered more after the invasion.
Ismail Zayyer, editor of al-Sabah al-Jadeed newspaper, responded that Iraq had always suffered problems, especially under Saddam. Shiites were largely marginalized. Kurds were heavily oppressed under the ex-dictator's reign, as thousands of men, women and children were reportedly attacked by chemical weapons and killed in their homes.
The arguments extended to include government officials. Sunni leaders rejected the US presence and blamed it for the ongoing violence, while some Shiite leaders blamed Saddam.
Saddam's regime 'carries the main responsibility to what Iraq has become now,' said Jalal al-Din al-Sagheer, a Shiite deputy of the United Iraqi Alliance which has 128 seats in parliament.
Adnan al-Duleimy, leader of the Sunni Iraqi Accord Front which has 44 seats in parliament, blamed the US, saying it had followed 'misleading information' in order to enter Iraq, 'turning the arena into a place where sectarian and confessional vindictive acts have spread.'
Still, others blamed both Islamists and foreign forces for the 'chaos,' including some Shiite forces like the Sadr faction.
Paradoxically, this invasion and the subsequent political developments has empowered Shiites, including the Sadrists, allowing them to participate in the political scene, which they were deprived of during Saddam's reign.
Nevertheless, Sadrists - such as former Baathists and Sunni insurgents - deem the US presence 'foreign occupation' and say that the multi-national forces should be driven out of the country because they lie at 'the core of sectarian violence.'
But whether it was driven by the occupation or the underlying religious tensions that have been simmering for years under the surface, none of the parties could deny that the face of Baghdad has changed forever due to the daily kidnappings, targeted and random murders, and bombings.
Government policies, enacted to stabilize the situation and end the surging violence between different sects, were ineffective so far - according to observers. Fard al-Qanoon, the new security plan, was liable to fail as even some officials have predicted.
When raids intensified in notorious neighbourhoods around the capital, militants flew to other cities and started attacking from there. The battlefield between security forces and insurgents was only relocated but the bloodshed continued.
Even US forces have failed to clamp down once and for all on terror networks and on the spreading insurgency, leaving people around Iraq in a dilemma. On the one hand, US presence remains largely ineffective, while on the other, a withdrawal of its forces could lead to 'a disaster.'
Speaker of parliament Mahmoud Al-Meshadany says in the April edition of pan-Arab magazine Al-Watan Al-Arabi that the new security plan was the 'only means' to resolve the deteriorating situation.
But he also said that the execution of the plan was 'flawed' and the lack of real support for it could very well lead to its failure.
'And if it failed, the US administration will fail in its Iraq project, the Iraqi political project will be disintegrated, and the greater Middle East project will fall apart,' he was quoted as saying.
'With this, all the American dreams will fall and (the failure) will open the gates of hell on (George W) Bush and Tony Blair.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=NjE3ODA0NTI3
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1289028.php/ANALYSIS_Rage_and_protests_mark_the_anniversary_of_Baghdad_invasion
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_23402-ANALYSIS-Rage-And-Protests-Mark-The-Anniversary-Of-Baghdad-Invasion.html
http://jurnalo.com/jurnalo/storyPage.do?story_id=28236
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 9, 2007, 16:15 GMT
Baghdad - Four years after the US invasion of Iraq, large crowds bearing banners with anti-US slogans took to the streets in protest of the US presence across Iraq.
US troops seized Baghdad on April 9, 2003, taking control of the major palaces and ministries of the Baath regime and effectively toppling Saddam.
In Baghdad, the mood on the anniversary of this event, was that of caution even though the streets of the Iraqi capital were quieter than usual as a round-the-clock curfew took effect.
Many Iraqis say they do not feel safer despite foreign military presence and some are as eager to leave the country as they were years before. Officials, meanwhile, find it hard to predict the future of the war-torn country as the security's grip on militants and terror groups appears to waver.
'The situation after the occupation became crueler than during the reign of Saddam (Hussein),' said 34-year-old Wasslim Sabri.
'Saddam went, and a hundred other Saddams replaced him,' said Ibrahim Salman, who is in his late fifties. 'The murders we see are beyond even the mass graves of Saddam.'
Both Iraqi citizens said they were unable to spend quality time with their families amid the current unrest. Security at every street corner did not end the violence, even as people's movements were restricted, markets barricaded and entire neighbourhoods were sealed off.
In other Iraqi cities on Monday, rage and anger was evident as hundreds of thousands of Shiite protestors flocked to places such as Najaf to protest what they called the US 'occupation' of Iraq.
A so-called 'march of millions' was called for by radical Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, whose feared Mahdi army militia is believed to have infiltrated Iraqi police and army ranks and is considered responsible for violence targeting Sunni Arabs as well as foreign and local armed forces across Iraq.
Those who did not protest kept to their homes for fear of an outbreak of violence related to the anniversary. In the media, Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds argued on whether the US invasion has brought about any peace or freedom.
Talking to pan-Arab Al-Jazeera, a Sunni Iraqi expert said that the only freedom that the 'Americans have brought is the freedom of the occupier to kill Iraqis,' adding that Iraq had suffered more after the invasion.
Ismail Zayyer, editor of al-Sabah al-Jadeed newspaper, responded that Iraq had always suffered problems, especially under Saddam. Shiites were largely marginalized. Kurds were heavily oppressed under the ex-dictator's reign, as thousands of men, women and children were reportedly attacked by chemical weapons and killed in their homes.
The arguments extended to include government officials. Sunni leaders rejected the US presence and blamed it for the ongoing violence, while some Shiite leaders blamed Saddam.
Saddam's regime 'carries the main responsibility to what Iraq has become now,' said Jalal al-Din al-Sagheer, a Shiite deputy of the United Iraqi Alliance which has 128 seats in parliament.
Adnan al-Duleimy, leader of the Sunni Iraqi Accord Front which has 44 seats in parliament, blamed the US, saying it had followed 'misleading information' in order to enter Iraq, 'turning the arena into a place where sectarian and confessional vindictive acts have spread.'
Still, others blamed both Islamists and foreign forces for the 'chaos,' including some Shiite forces like the Sadr faction.
Paradoxically, this invasion and the subsequent political developments has empowered Shiites, including the Sadrists, allowing them to participate in the political scene, which they were deprived of during Saddam's reign.
Nevertheless, Sadrists - such as former Baathists and Sunni insurgents - deem the US presence 'foreign occupation' and say that the multi-national forces should be driven out of the country because they lie at 'the core of sectarian violence.'
But whether it was driven by the occupation or the underlying religious tensions that have been simmering for years under the surface, none of the parties could deny that the face of Baghdad has changed forever due to the daily kidnappings, targeted and random murders, and bombings.
Government policies, enacted to stabilize the situation and end the surging violence between different sects, were ineffective so far - according to observers. Fard al-Qanoon, the new security plan, was liable to fail as even some officials have predicted.
When raids intensified in notorious neighbourhoods around the capital, militants flew to other cities and started attacking from there. The battlefield between security forces and insurgents was only relocated but the bloodshed continued.
Even US forces have failed to clamp down once and for all on terror networks and on the spreading insurgency, leaving people around Iraq in a dilemma. On the one hand, US presence remains largely ineffective, while on the other, a withdrawal of its forces could lead to 'a disaster.'
Speaker of parliament Mahmoud Al-Meshadany says in the April edition of pan-Arab magazine Al-Watan Al-Arabi that the new security plan was the 'only means' to resolve the deteriorating situation.
But he also said that the execution of the plan was 'flawed' and the lack of real support for it could very well lead to its failure.
'And if it failed, the US administration will fail in its Iraq project, the Iraqi political project will be disintegrated, and the greater Middle East project will fall apart,' he was quoted as saying.
'With this, all the American dreams will fall and (the failure) will open the gates of hell on (George W) Bush and Tony Blair.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=NjE3ODA0NTI3
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1289028.php/ANALYSIS_Rage_and_protests_mark_the_anniversary_of_Baghdad_invasion
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_23402-ANALYSIS-Rage-And-Protests-Mark-The-Anniversary-Of-Baghdad-Invasion.html
http://jurnalo.com/jurnalo/storyPage.do?story_id=28236
Saturday, April 07, 2007
Analysis: Arab leaders cautions on Arab-Israeli negotiations (dpa)
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 29, 2007, 19:07 GMT
Riyadh - Renewing faith in the Saudi-proposed land-for-peace initiative, Arab leaders ended their two-day summit on Thursday with a warning to their 'peace partner' Israel that hopes of a violence- free region would collapse if Tel Aviv rejects their 'extended hand.'
The ball is in Israel's court now: that was the message that Arab leaders strongly sent not only to the Jewish state but also to the international community and Israeli allies.
'The Israeli and Palestinian peace dream could be achieved if good intentions and a sheer will are present,' Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas told official delegations. Discussions continued Thursday in Riyadh.
Abbas said Arabs are ready to 'double the efforts' in order to initiate a 'balanced and fair peace process' but gave a warning that 'putting off' action and 'wasting time' will only endanger the region with 'wars.'
The leaders agreed to relaunch the 2002 Arab initiative, promising full normalization with Israel and Arab recognition of the Jewish state in return for a full Israeli pull out from the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, including Jerusalem, and a withdrawal from the Golan Heights in Syria and some territories in southern Lebanon.
The proposal also includes terms that would guarantee the right of return to thousand of Palestinian refugees stranded in poor conditions across hosting Arab countries.
The Arab leaders collectively cheered the ambitious land-for-peace deal, regarding it as an extended hand of peace to Israel.
But the Arab leadership seemed anxious and perturbed over the anticipated Israeli response to the deal. Remarks by most of them, according to independent observers, betrayed doubt that Israel will accept the terms of this deal.
'There is no response from Israel so far,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told reporters Thursday. 'Israel wants normalization only, they do not want negotiations.'
Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi foreign minister, said the time frame for the offer depended on Israel and its readiness to directly negotiate, but also indicated no other arrangements would be considered.
'When Israel returns the rights of the Palestinians, Arab states will be ready to sign a peace deal with Israel,' the minister said. '
'If this happens next year,' the peace deal will be signed next year, he said. 'It is not feasible that Israel would replace this deal with another.'
Moussa repeated that the Arabic position was that normalization would 'not be for free.'
Ismail Haniyeh, Palestinian premier, said the summit showed that the problem 'is not with the Arabs or the Palestinians. It is the problem of the Israelis.'
'They refuse to have a discussion on the Arab initiatives and refuse to recognize the legitimate right of return of the Palestinian people,' he said.
Saeb Erakat, senior Palestinian negotiator, earlier charged that Israel was trying to 'block' the channels that had been opened from the Palestinian side.
The Arab League intends to submit its offer to the United Nations and international community as a framework of action, discussion and negotiation.
'We are the most keen when it comes to international laws, (because) we are the side which paid the highest price. We suffered and we still (suffer) from isolation, massacres and prisons,' said Abbas.
An Arab committee, headed by Saudi leadership, would be formed to follow up and engage with the Mideast Quartet - Russia, the US, the United Nations and European Union - which have laid out a roadmap for peace that includes a two-state solution.
The Arab committee is expected to include 13 countries, including Egypt, Jordan and Morocco, who will be negotiating directly with Israel.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon told Arab leaders Wednesday that 'the Arab peace initiative is one of the pillars of the peace process.'
'When I was in Israel, I urged my Israeli friends to take a fresh look,' he said.
Local commentators reflected the reproach for Israel shown by leaders at the summit. In a Saudi newspaper, an analysis expressed concern that Israel would feel threatened by the Arabs' so-called 'show of strength' and apparent unified message.
In a newspaper comic strip, a large hand tagged 'Arab summit' held out a white dove in a peace overture toward another hand bearing the Jewish Star of David, clenched in a fist.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link(s): http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1284637.php/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab-Israeli_negotiations
http://www.eux.tv/article.aspx?articleId=5644
http://www.neurope.eu/view_news.php?id=72153
http://rawstory.com/news/dpa/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab_Israe_03292007.html
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 29, 2007, 19:07 GMT
Riyadh - Renewing faith in the Saudi-proposed land-for-peace initiative, Arab leaders ended their two-day summit on Thursday with a warning to their 'peace partner' Israel that hopes of a violence- free region would collapse if Tel Aviv rejects their 'extended hand.'
The ball is in Israel's court now: that was the message that Arab leaders strongly sent not only to the Jewish state but also to the international community and Israeli allies.
'The Israeli and Palestinian peace dream could be achieved if good intentions and a sheer will are present,' Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas told official delegations. Discussions continued Thursday in Riyadh.
Abbas said Arabs are ready to 'double the efforts' in order to initiate a 'balanced and fair peace process' but gave a warning that 'putting off' action and 'wasting time' will only endanger the region with 'wars.'
The leaders agreed to relaunch the 2002 Arab initiative, promising full normalization with Israel and Arab recognition of the Jewish state in return for a full Israeli pull out from the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, including Jerusalem, and a withdrawal from the Golan Heights in Syria and some territories in southern Lebanon.
The proposal also includes terms that would guarantee the right of return to thousand of Palestinian refugees stranded in poor conditions across hosting Arab countries.
The Arab leaders collectively cheered the ambitious land-for-peace deal, regarding it as an extended hand of peace to Israel.
But the Arab leadership seemed anxious and perturbed over the anticipated Israeli response to the deal. Remarks by most of them, according to independent observers, betrayed doubt that Israel will accept the terms of this deal.
'There is no response from Israel so far,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told reporters Thursday. 'Israel wants normalization only, they do not want negotiations.'
Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi foreign minister, said the time frame for the offer depended on Israel and its readiness to directly negotiate, but also indicated no other arrangements would be considered.
'When Israel returns the rights of the Palestinians, Arab states will be ready to sign a peace deal with Israel,' the minister said. '
'If this happens next year,' the peace deal will be signed next year, he said. 'It is not feasible that Israel would replace this deal with another.'
Moussa repeated that the Arabic position was that normalization would 'not be for free.'
Ismail Haniyeh, Palestinian premier, said the summit showed that the problem 'is not with the Arabs or the Palestinians. It is the problem of the Israelis.'
'They refuse to have a discussion on the Arab initiatives and refuse to recognize the legitimate right of return of the Palestinian people,' he said.
Saeb Erakat, senior Palestinian negotiator, earlier charged that Israel was trying to 'block' the channels that had been opened from the Palestinian side.
The Arab League intends to submit its offer to the United Nations and international community as a framework of action, discussion and negotiation.
'We are the most keen when it comes to international laws, (because) we are the side which paid the highest price. We suffered and we still (suffer) from isolation, massacres and prisons,' said Abbas.
An Arab committee, headed by Saudi leadership, would be formed to follow up and engage with the Mideast Quartet - Russia, the US, the United Nations and European Union - which have laid out a roadmap for peace that includes a two-state solution.
The Arab committee is expected to include 13 countries, including Egypt, Jordan and Morocco, who will be negotiating directly with Israel.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon told Arab leaders Wednesday that 'the Arab peace initiative is one of the pillars of the peace process.'
'When I was in Israel, I urged my Israeli friends to take a fresh look,' he said.
Local commentators reflected the reproach for Israel shown by leaders at the summit. In a Saudi newspaper, an analysis expressed concern that Israel would feel threatened by the Arabs' so-called 'show of strength' and apparent unified message.
In a newspaper comic strip, a large hand tagged 'Arab summit' held out a white dove in a peace overture toward another hand bearing the Jewish Star of David, clenched in a fist.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link(s): http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1284637.php/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab-Israeli_negotiations
http://www.eux.tv/article.aspx?articleId=5644
http://www.neurope.eu/view_news.php?id=72153
http://rawstory.com/news/dpa/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab_Israe_03292007.html
News Feature: Mideast faces "unprecedented" challenges - Amr Moussa
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 28, 2007, 16:19 GMT
Riyadh - The region faces challenges 'unprecedented in the contemporary history of both the Middle East and Arab World,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told Wednesday's opening of the Arab League summit in Riyadh Wednesday.
The Arab world was facing 'a dangerous situation,' he warned. Arab leaders had to beware of passivity and moves without real achievements that could take their efforts 'back to square one.'
Adopting a similar line during a round of opening speeches, Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdel-Aziz blamed Arab leaders' disputes and their failure to take a united stand for the crisis in the Middle East. He urged Arabs to overcome their confessional conflicts.
'What have we achieved during all those past years in order to solve (our disputes)? I don't lay the blame on the Arab League, because the Arab League all but accurately reflects our state,' the Saudi king said.
'Our continuous disputes, our refusal to pursue unity - all this has made the (Arab) nation lose trust in our credibility, and lose hope,' he said. 'Dissent is not our fate, and backwardness is not our final destiny.' But he stressed that he remained full of hope 'despite reasons for desperation.'
Remarks by many addressing the summit showed distress over the deteriorating situation in different parts of the war-ravaged region.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, who spoke as a guest, spoke of the 'complex challenges' the Middle East was facing.
'The Middle East is more complex, more fragile and more dangerous than it has been in a long time,' he said.
Summit speeches were dominated by sectarian strife in Iraq verging on civil war, and the political standoff in Lebanon and the situation in Darfur.
Observers said the common denominator at the summit was the leaders' plea for Arab states to 'unite' and prioritize regional interests.
The summit - hosted for the first time by Saudi Arabia - is reviving a 2002 Saudi peace proposal that promises Arab recognition of Israel in return for a full pullout from the occupied territories.
The meeting features delegations from many Arab states - although there are notable absences including Libya, which earlier officially announced a boycott.
The agenda was also dominated by the situation in the Palestinian territories and formation there of a national unity government, cautiously received by the Western community and rejected by Israel.
The opening session also heard mention of Iran's nuclear programme and sanctions which the United Nations has agreed to impose.
Although leaders rejected any military nuclear programme, they insisted that 'dialogue and negotiations' remained the absolute means of solving any nuclear case.
'Talks and negotiations are the way to resolve these issues, just as other issues in other parts (of the world) have been resolved, without coercive procedures that are not necessarily in the interest of what is required to (maintain) regional security,' Mussa said.
Bilateral talks involving the various Arab leaders were meanwhile expected. Already, a closed-door meeting between Saudi King Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar Assad was reported to have taken place.
Saudi authorities are hoping to mediate a reconciliation between Lebanon's pro-Syrian Hezbollah-led opposition and the cabinet of Prime Minister Fouad Seniora.
Independent observers said Saudi Arabia, a major US ally, was working towards achieving the position of power-broker in the conflict-torn region.
The Saudis were hoping to facilitate peace deals along the same lines as the Mecca deal, which late last year brought infighting between Fatah and Hamas to a halt and endorsed a truce that lead to the formation of a national unity government embracing both groups.
Saudi authorities have imposed heavy security for the two-day meeting, with government employees given a two-day leave from work and airport roads sealed off. Usually bustling Riyadh was more like a ghost city with many shops closed for the duration.
State television and the print media lavishly praised Saudi authorities as they host the event for the first time, featuring favourable opinions from analysts and the 'man in the street', while hoardings proclaim 'Welcome to the Land of Humanity and Peace'.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.cjp.org/content_display.html?ArticleID=212601
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1284051.php/Mideast_faces_"unprecedented_
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 28, 2007, 16:19 GMT
Riyadh - The region faces challenges 'unprecedented in the contemporary history of both the Middle East and Arab World,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told Wednesday's opening of the Arab League summit in Riyadh Wednesday.
The Arab world was facing 'a dangerous situation,' he warned. Arab leaders had to beware of passivity and moves without real achievements that could take their efforts 'back to square one.'
Adopting a similar line during a round of opening speeches, Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdel-Aziz blamed Arab leaders' disputes and their failure to take a united stand for the crisis in the Middle East. He urged Arabs to overcome their confessional conflicts.
'What have we achieved during all those past years in order to solve (our disputes)? I don't lay the blame on the Arab League, because the Arab League all but accurately reflects our state,' the Saudi king said.
'Our continuous disputes, our refusal to pursue unity - all this has made the (Arab) nation lose trust in our credibility, and lose hope,' he said. 'Dissent is not our fate, and backwardness is not our final destiny.' But he stressed that he remained full of hope 'despite reasons for desperation.'
Remarks by many addressing the summit showed distress over the deteriorating situation in different parts of the war-ravaged region.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, who spoke as a guest, spoke of the 'complex challenges' the Middle East was facing.
'The Middle East is more complex, more fragile and more dangerous than it has been in a long time,' he said.
Summit speeches were dominated by sectarian strife in Iraq verging on civil war, and the political standoff in Lebanon and the situation in Darfur.
Observers said the common denominator at the summit was the leaders' plea for Arab states to 'unite' and prioritize regional interests.
The summit - hosted for the first time by Saudi Arabia - is reviving a 2002 Saudi peace proposal that promises Arab recognition of Israel in return for a full pullout from the occupied territories.
The meeting features delegations from many Arab states - although there are notable absences including Libya, which earlier officially announced a boycott.
The agenda was also dominated by the situation in the Palestinian territories and formation there of a national unity government, cautiously received by the Western community and rejected by Israel.
The opening session also heard mention of Iran's nuclear programme and sanctions which the United Nations has agreed to impose.
Although leaders rejected any military nuclear programme, they insisted that 'dialogue and negotiations' remained the absolute means of solving any nuclear case.
'Talks and negotiations are the way to resolve these issues, just as other issues in other parts (of the world) have been resolved, without coercive procedures that are not necessarily in the interest of what is required to (maintain) regional security,' Mussa said.
Bilateral talks involving the various Arab leaders were meanwhile expected. Already, a closed-door meeting between Saudi King Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar Assad was reported to have taken place.
Saudi authorities are hoping to mediate a reconciliation between Lebanon's pro-Syrian Hezbollah-led opposition and the cabinet of Prime Minister Fouad Seniora.
Independent observers said Saudi Arabia, a major US ally, was working towards achieving the position of power-broker in the conflict-torn region.
The Saudis were hoping to facilitate peace deals along the same lines as the Mecca deal, which late last year brought infighting between Fatah and Hamas to a halt and endorsed a truce that lead to the formation of a national unity government embracing both groups.
Saudi authorities have imposed heavy security for the two-day meeting, with government employees given a two-day leave from work and airport roads sealed off. Usually bustling Riyadh was more like a ghost city with many shops closed for the duration.
State television and the print media lavishly praised Saudi authorities as they host the event for the first time, featuring favourable opinions from analysts and the 'man in the street', while hoardings proclaim 'Welcome to the Land of Humanity and Peace'.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.cjp.org/content_display.html?ArticleID=212601
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1284051.php/Mideast_faces_"unprecedented_
REAX: Mixed feelings in Egypt ahead of key referendum (dpa)
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 25, 2007, 18:13 GMT
Cairo - Ahead of Monday's referendum on the amendment of 34 constitutional articles, the mood on the Egyptian street is fluctuating between two extremes.
The opposition forces are enraged by the proposed amendments while the man in the street is displaying marked indifference.
The amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, stripping citizens of basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Central Cairo and top national universities have been witnessing a wave of opposition protests, led by such forces as the Kifaya (Enough) movement and the banned Muslim Brotherhood, over the government-backed draft of the proposed changes.
During Monday's referendum, Egyptians are being asked to vote on the entire draft of amendments, without being able to reject some and approve others. The same applied to Egypt's lower house of parliament, which discussed, reviewed and initially approved the changes as a package.
Amongst others, the draft amendments introduce a new anti-terror bill under Article 179 that places binding restrictions on Egyptians. The restrictions were deemed by many as an 'infringement' of personal privacy.
For instance, in case of emergencies and threats to national security, which are defined vaguely by the proposed bill, the police has the right to bypass individual freedoms.
In such cases, the monitoring of private phones and correspondence would be allowed, and arrests without warrants and the referral of civilians to military courts would be sanctioned.
Many opposition members believe that the new anti-terrorism law re-introduces the long-standing state of emergency 'under a different name.'
In addition, a much-anticipated change that has been called for by many Muslim and Coptic Christian thinkers has been overlooked. Article 2 of the constitution which enshrines Islamic law as the main and only source of law is not being changed.
Many intellectuals had called for this change, deeming it the benchmark of equality of citizenship in Egypt.
Independent observers have said that ignoring such an article was a deliberate act by the government, who is seen to be 'at war' with the conservative Muslim Brotherhood.
Many of the proposed changes to the constitution (such as banning religious parties) are seen to be directly targeting the banned, yet popular, Muslim Brothers.
Meanwhile, observers are saying that there will be a low turnout for the national referendum.
Many say that the lack of faith in the Egyptian regime, the disinterest of the man on the street - weighed down by economic and financial difficulties - will decide the fate of the amendments. Awaiting the much-criticized vote, ordinary Egyptians seem reluctant to give their opinions or even invest effort in protest.
'People do not believe or even understand that they can cause change,' said Mohammed Sayyid Saed, political analyst and a former leftist. 'There is a feeling of powerlessness.'
A random sampling of the views of the man on the street confirms the analysts' remarks. Many of those interviewed refused to be identified for fear of the security police.
A 35-year-old Egyptian taxi driver, who spoke on condition of anonymity, was dismissive of the proposed constitutional changes and the opposition.
'Those who said 'No' achieved nothing. (Imprisoned politician) Ayman Nour said no, and see where he is now,' the driver said. 'What they (opposition forces) are doing is meaningless.'
He added that he will not vote on Monday; 'I give my vote to something that would benefit me and benefit the people. If there is no benefit, then it's better to attend to one's job and other matters.'
People are more concerned with their own financial problems, it seems, and many have lost faith in politics.
But despite the expected low turnout, opposition protests are currently being prepared for and the possible police response to them are dreaded.
A few days before the referendum, security forces and truckloads of riot police are spread in and around Cairo.
'They plan to abort the pickets before they even begin, and they're giving a message to the opposition through the beefed-up security,' said Saed.
One opposition senior leader said that the opposition would not disclose their specific plans in advance.
'The government is in a state of vigilance, so we will not disclose now what we will do on Monday,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, the liberal al-Ghad leader. 'But we will do all we can to stop these changes from taking place, and impede the referendum.'
As the opposition prepares, the government are campaigning in the media to promote the amendments and urge people to vote.
Terms such as 'civic duty' and 'sacred obligation' were being extensively used in an attempt to encourage people to head to the ballot boxes on Monday.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1282663.php/Mixed_feelings_in_Egypt_ahead_of_key_referendum
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 25, 2007, 18:13 GMT
Cairo - Ahead of Monday's referendum on the amendment of 34 constitutional articles, the mood on the Egyptian street is fluctuating between two extremes.
The opposition forces are enraged by the proposed amendments while the man in the street is displaying marked indifference.
The amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, stripping citizens of basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Central Cairo and top national universities have been witnessing a wave of opposition protests, led by such forces as the Kifaya (Enough) movement and the banned Muslim Brotherhood, over the government-backed draft of the proposed changes.
During Monday's referendum, Egyptians are being asked to vote on the entire draft of amendments, without being able to reject some and approve others. The same applied to Egypt's lower house of parliament, which discussed, reviewed and initially approved the changes as a package.
Amongst others, the draft amendments introduce a new anti-terror bill under Article 179 that places binding restrictions on Egyptians. The restrictions were deemed by many as an 'infringement' of personal privacy.
For instance, in case of emergencies and threats to national security, which are defined vaguely by the proposed bill, the police has the right to bypass individual freedoms.
In such cases, the monitoring of private phones and correspondence would be allowed, and arrests without warrants and the referral of civilians to military courts would be sanctioned.
Many opposition members believe that the new anti-terrorism law re-introduces the long-standing state of emergency 'under a different name.'
In addition, a much-anticipated change that has been called for by many Muslim and Coptic Christian thinkers has been overlooked. Article 2 of the constitution which enshrines Islamic law as the main and only source of law is not being changed.
Many intellectuals had called for this change, deeming it the benchmark of equality of citizenship in Egypt.
Independent observers have said that ignoring such an article was a deliberate act by the government, who is seen to be 'at war' with the conservative Muslim Brotherhood.
Many of the proposed changes to the constitution (such as banning religious parties) are seen to be directly targeting the banned, yet popular, Muslim Brothers.
Meanwhile, observers are saying that there will be a low turnout for the national referendum.
Many say that the lack of faith in the Egyptian regime, the disinterest of the man on the street - weighed down by economic and financial difficulties - will decide the fate of the amendments. Awaiting the much-criticized vote, ordinary Egyptians seem reluctant to give their opinions or even invest effort in protest.
'People do not believe or even understand that they can cause change,' said Mohammed Sayyid Saed, political analyst and a former leftist. 'There is a feeling of powerlessness.'
A random sampling of the views of the man on the street confirms the analysts' remarks. Many of those interviewed refused to be identified for fear of the security police.
A 35-year-old Egyptian taxi driver, who spoke on condition of anonymity, was dismissive of the proposed constitutional changes and the opposition.
'Those who said 'No' achieved nothing. (Imprisoned politician) Ayman Nour said no, and see where he is now,' the driver said. 'What they (opposition forces) are doing is meaningless.'
He added that he will not vote on Monday; 'I give my vote to something that would benefit me and benefit the people. If there is no benefit, then it's better to attend to one's job and other matters.'
People are more concerned with their own financial problems, it seems, and many have lost faith in politics.
But despite the expected low turnout, opposition protests are currently being prepared for and the possible police response to them are dreaded.
A few days before the referendum, security forces and truckloads of riot police are spread in and around Cairo.
'They plan to abort the pickets before they even begin, and they're giving a message to the opposition through the beefed-up security,' said Saed.
One opposition senior leader said that the opposition would not disclose their specific plans in advance.
'The government is in a state of vigilance, so we will not disclose now what we will do on Monday,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, the liberal al-Ghad leader. 'But we will do all we can to stop these changes from taking place, and impede the referendum.'
As the opposition prepares, the government are campaigning in the media to promote the amendments and urge people to vote.
Terms such as 'civic duty' and 'sacred obligation' were being extensively used in an attempt to encourage people to head to the ballot boxes on Monday.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1282663.php/Mixed_feelings_in_Egypt_ahead_of_key_referendum
ANALYSIS: Key supporters missing in Egypt's "battle for democracy" (dpa)
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 24, 2007, 10:19 GMT
Cairo - Egyptian liberal and conservative opposition groups say they have lost key supporters in their so-called 'battle for democracy,' in which they are protesting possible controversial amendments to Egypt's constitution.
Egypt is to hold a referendum Monday on the amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections.
The amendments are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, undermining basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Opposition members have underscored the absence of US support for their cause, while analysts deem this absence 'disappointing.' Meanwhile, most Coptic and Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, choosing neither to raise their voice in protest nor comment on the ongoing political row.
Last week, following the boycott of around 100 Muslim Brotherhood and independent lawmakers of two parliamentary sessions where the proposed amendments were finally discussed, the US expressed 'concern' over the political situation and the proposed changes.
US state department spokesman Sean McCormack said the amendments 'raise questions about whether or not the Egyptian government has in fact met its own standards and benchmarks.'
He declined to comment on President Hosni Mubarak's decision to move the referendum forward; a move which further angered opposition parties and sparked street protests.
Observers and activists alike expressed their 'disappointment' at the US' reaction, describing it as 'weak,' and 'falling short' of what they deemed 'real support.'
Observers have said that such a lack of support form the US makes the situation bleaker for the opposition.
In recent years, the US has been lending its support to liberal and pro-democracy activists in the Arab World, especially in Egypt.
For instance, during 2005's presidential and parliamentary elections, the US state department often issued strong statements against elements undermining democracy in Egypt, and against police brutality and restrictions on freedom of speech.
Arguably, the current absence of the kind of pressure imposed by the US state department during previous decisive political debates, has weakened the status opposition to the benefit of the government, and the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP).
According to Nabil Abdel-Fatah, senior political analyst at Egypt's Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, the US's disappearance from the political scene has given the government 'freedom to squash opposing voices, impose a police state and an authoritarian political system.'
Although some say that US support had not been particularly effective, others say that it had raised the opposition forces' morale - in turn increasing their outspokenness in facing the Egyptian government's steel grip on politics.
'In the presence of the US support, (the government) was not as violent in confronting opposition. They would not breach human rights against some of members (of the opposition) and they could not openly clamp down upon the opposition,' said Abdel-Fatah.
Nevertheless, Abdel-Fatah and other analysts, however, believe that the US government's position is as predictable as it is disappointing.
The regional state of affairs, according to analysts, has forced the US to strengthen its ties with its allies in the Middle East; countries such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia which have a moderate and friendly attitude towards the Western state.
US expectations that supporting opposition would curb the Islamist and conservative movements in the Middle East, and in turn growing insurgency and fundamentalism, have also been unmet.
'After 9/11, the US pressure on authoritarian regimes was due to expectations that the presence of reform, economic and political potential would put destroy the roots of terrorism and the justifications for it, and in turn make its own country safer,' according to Abdel-Fatah. But this did not happen in the manner the US had envisioned, he added.
In addition, the US's 'meddling' was met by criticism and resistance from these authoritarian regimes, their supporters and even some impartial intellectuals.
The US's status in the Middle East, where foreign policies have made its position weaker especially with regard to the Iraq, Palestinian and Lebanese cases, has arguably made matters worse for pro-democracy activists in some parts in the region.
The US is seen as in 'desperate' need of Arab regimes that could push for a peace process brokered by the US, and would consider the interests of Israel. This US need has empowered these regimes, regardless of how 'authoritarian' they are.
'The US is now facing the crisis in Iran, the siutation in Labanon, Israel's inability to destroy Hezbollah. And Iraq,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, senior leader of the al-Ghad liberal party. 'The US now feels that it is in need of these authoritarian regimes and so has stopped its support. The US' interests rule.'
Columnist and political writer Gamal Essam el-Din explains that the Egyptian regime does not care anymore about defaming its image, 'because there is no pressure on it.'
Meanwhile, state religious leaders have also been reduced to obsevers (perhaps by choice) of the political arena. Pope Shenouda, Patriarch of Alexandria and the spiritual leader of Coptic Christians, has distanced himself from the turmoil, only saying that the people have the opportunity to voice their opinions in the upcoming referendum.
Most Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, refusing to comment on the current crisis of sort.
However, on Friday, the Grand Azhar Sheikh Mohammed Sayyid Tantawy, one of the highest Muslim authorities in Egypt, spoke very briefly against refraining from participation in the constitutional referendum; urging the Muslims to vote without commenting on the current affairs.
Analyst Abdel-Fatah deemed Shenouda's reaction 'a politically astute answer,' adding that Muslim leaders - most of them government employees - are avoiding any type of confrontation with theregime.
'They don't want to say anything negative, anything that could lead to problems with the government,' he said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1282282.php/ANALYSIS_Key_supporters_missing_in_Egypts_"battle_for_democracy"
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=MTE5ODU1NTEzMw==
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 24, 2007, 10:19 GMT
Cairo - Egyptian liberal and conservative opposition groups say they have lost key supporters in their so-called 'battle for democracy,' in which they are protesting possible controversial amendments to Egypt's constitution.
Egypt is to hold a referendum Monday on the amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections.
The amendments are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, undermining basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Opposition members have underscored the absence of US support for their cause, while analysts deem this absence 'disappointing.' Meanwhile, most Coptic and Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, choosing neither to raise their voice in protest nor comment on the ongoing political row.
Last week, following the boycott of around 100 Muslim Brotherhood and independent lawmakers of two parliamentary sessions where the proposed amendments were finally discussed, the US expressed 'concern' over the political situation and the proposed changes.
US state department spokesman Sean McCormack said the amendments 'raise questions about whether or not the Egyptian government has in fact met its own standards and benchmarks.'
He declined to comment on President Hosni Mubarak's decision to move the referendum forward; a move which further angered opposition parties and sparked street protests.
Observers and activists alike expressed their 'disappointment' at the US' reaction, describing it as 'weak,' and 'falling short' of what they deemed 'real support.'
Observers have said that such a lack of support form the US makes the situation bleaker for the opposition.
In recent years, the US has been lending its support to liberal and pro-democracy activists in the Arab World, especially in Egypt.
For instance, during 2005's presidential and parliamentary elections, the US state department often issued strong statements against elements undermining democracy in Egypt, and against police brutality and restrictions on freedom of speech.
Arguably, the current absence of the kind of pressure imposed by the US state department during previous decisive political debates, has weakened the status opposition to the benefit of the government, and the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP).
According to Nabil Abdel-Fatah, senior political analyst at Egypt's Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, the US's disappearance from the political scene has given the government 'freedom to squash opposing voices, impose a police state and an authoritarian political system.'
Although some say that US support had not been particularly effective, others say that it had raised the opposition forces' morale - in turn increasing their outspokenness in facing the Egyptian government's steel grip on politics.
'In the presence of the US support, (the government) was not as violent in confronting opposition. They would not breach human rights against some of members (of the opposition) and they could not openly clamp down upon the opposition,' said Abdel-Fatah.
Nevertheless, Abdel-Fatah and other analysts, however, believe that the US government's position is as predictable as it is disappointing.
The regional state of affairs, according to analysts, has forced the US to strengthen its ties with its allies in the Middle East; countries such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia which have a moderate and friendly attitude towards the Western state.
US expectations that supporting opposition would curb the Islamist and conservative movements in the Middle East, and in turn growing insurgency and fundamentalism, have also been unmet.
'After 9/11, the US pressure on authoritarian regimes was due to expectations that the presence of reform, economic and political potential would put destroy the roots of terrorism and the justifications for it, and in turn make its own country safer,' according to Abdel-Fatah. But this did not happen in the manner the US had envisioned, he added.
In addition, the US's 'meddling' was met by criticism and resistance from these authoritarian regimes, their supporters and even some impartial intellectuals.
The US's status in the Middle East, where foreign policies have made its position weaker especially with regard to the Iraq, Palestinian and Lebanese cases, has arguably made matters worse for pro-democracy activists in some parts in the region.
The US is seen as in 'desperate' need of Arab regimes that could push for a peace process brokered by the US, and would consider the interests of Israel. This US need has empowered these regimes, regardless of how 'authoritarian' they are.
'The US is now facing the crisis in Iran, the siutation in Labanon, Israel's inability to destroy Hezbollah. And Iraq,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, senior leader of the al-Ghad liberal party. 'The US now feels that it is in need of these authoritarian regimes and so has stopped its support. The US' interests rule.'
Columnist and political writer Gamal Essam el-Din explains that the Egyptian regime does not care anymore about defaming its image, 'because there is no pressure on it.'
Meanwhile, state religious leaders have also been reduced to obsevers (perhaps by choice) of the political arena. Pope Shenouda, Patriarch of Alexandria and the spiritual leader of Coptic Christians, has distanced himself from the turmoil, only saying that the people have the opportunity to voice their opinions in the upcoming referendum.
Most Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, refusing to comment on the current crisis of sort.
However, on Friday, the Grand Azhar Sheikh Mohammed Sayyid Tantawy, one of the highest Muslim authorities in Egypt, spoke very briefly against refraining from participation in the constitutional referendum; urging the Muslims to vote without commenting on the current affairs.
Analyst Abdel-Fatah deemed Shenouda's reaction 'a politically astute answer,' adding that Muslim leaders - most of them government employees - are avoiding any type of confrontation with theregime.
'They don't want to say anything negative, anything that could lead to problems with the government,' he said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1282282.php/ANALYSIS_Key_supporters_missing_in_Egypts_"battle_for_democracy"
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=MTE5ODU1NTEzMw==
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