Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Sep 17, 2007, 15:35 GMT
Cairo - Politicians and observers in Iraq have expressed concern over the withdrawal of major blocs from Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's ruling coalition.
Growing tension between various factions and the shifting political landscape has prompted questions about the future of the precarious government.
Reports on Monday said that some blocs are already negotiationg new alliances in Iraq's Council of Representatives which may be opposed to the government.
The political force loyal to radical cleric Moqtada al-Sadr quit al-Maliki's governing Shiite alliance leaving 30 seats empty, on Sunday, after a boycott lasting months.
The Iraqi Accord Front, the largest Sunni party, has already withdrawn and other Shiite and secular factions have boycotted recent sessions and voted only on legislation.
Both the ruling alliance and President Jalal Talabani's office issued statements Monday urging the Sadrists to reconsider their decision and return to government. The ruling United Iraqi Alliance described the move as shocking.
Some members of the ruling alliance have denied that the government is threatened. Sadr MPs have shown little or no activity for many months, they said.
The Sadrists however claim they were intentionally marginalized. The Sadr camp was not included in discussions on key legislation like the debated oil and gas draft law.
They were also shunned from talks on de-Baathification policies which might lead to the return of loyalists to former dictator Saddam Hussein 'whose hands were not stained with Iraqi blood', according to a-Maliki, to government jobs.
Ruling party moderates nevertheless formed a special council to negotiate with the dissident Sadrists to tackle the core issues of conflict, according to the United Iraqi Alliance.
But the Sadrists insist that their decision is both final and consequential. Asmaa al-Mussawy, a leading member of the Sadr camp, told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that 'there is no going back.'
The leaders of the Sadr bloc have claimed that MPs belonging to al-Maliki's Daawa party might quit the ruling coalition and join the Sadr camp.
The Islamic Daawa party is an Iraqi conservative party, and along with the Supreme Islamic Iraqi council, forms the bulk of the ruling Shiite coalition known as the United Iraqi Alliance.
The alliance has 128 of the Council of Representative's 275 seats of which Daawa occupies 13.
'The Daawa party, the (Sunni) Iraqi Accord Front, the (Shiite) al- Fadila, the National Dialogue Front are all engaged in dialogue with the Sadr for a new political programme that we cannot publicize at the moment,' said al-Mussawy on Monday.
'These are all parties who could very well forge an alliance with the Sadr, but nothing is final yet,' the Sadrist added.
Abdel-Karim al-Anzy, Daawa's chief in Iraq, confirmed talks with Sadrists and a possible withdrawal.
Observers say these alliances, if created, could herald the collapse of al-Maliki's cabinet.
But even lawmakers are divided on whether al-Maliki's cabinet and the ruling coalition would be weakened by the withdrawal of major blocs - mainly Sunnis and the Shiite Sadr camp- as al-Maliki still enjoys a legitimate albeit thin majority in parliament.
Even if new alliances are formed, al-Maliki would still be able to secure the passage of controversial laws, if he guarantees the allegiance of the Kurdistani Alliance with 53 seats in the Council of Representatives, according to local analysts.
Sadrists have so far ruled out the possibility of a no-confidence vote to bring down the government.
But the government has already been dealt a blow, according to observers. Sadr's withdrawal, coupled with the failure of al-Maliki to reconcile with Sunnis and other opposing parties, caused a split in Daawa party ranks.
Daawa's Al-Anzy described the Sadr departure as a 'hard blow' adding to Voices of Iraq news agency's comments that al-Maliki had begun aggravating rifts within his own party when he signed agreements with Shiite and Kurdish bigwigs while disregarding Sadrists and Sunnis.
Despite the hustle and bustle, some politicians refuse to take the moves of the Sadr bloc seriously.
The Shiite camp have a history of repeated threats, withdrawal and return to parliament.
Last year, Sadrists froze their membership in parliament after loud and angry anti-government protests. But they returned as soon as some of their demands had been met.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/printer_1356762.php
Tuesday, September 25, 2007
Ramadan serials court controversy - Aljazeera English
http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/826BCEE8-1442-46CA-9417-8CAC0270E4B6.htm
By Pakinam Amer in Cairo
This Ramadan, television serials depicting sex, politics and war will be beamed into Arab living rooms, raising the stakes on contentious socio-political issues and risking a backlash.
The themes have, over the years, become more brazen.
In the Egyptian programme A Case of Public Opinion (Kadeyet Ray Aam), Yousra, an Egyptian actor and former sex symbol, plays a prominent university professor who is one of three women violently raped while returning home from work.
She and the women are immediately victimised - not only by the violent act but by a society unwilling, and perhaps unprepared, to hear out their trauma and angst.
But Yousra's character overcomes the shame and shunning associated with rape and persistently pushes the horror of the crime – and subsequently, women's role in a patriarchal community – to the fore.
Abier el-Barbary, a psychologist and member of a local women's rights group, believes Ramadan is an ideal time to raise awareness of issues that are otherwise ignored.
She said: "Yousra is a guaranteed role model for many generations of women. She's not a sex-symbol anymore and her western attire gives a message that she's easier to approach."
"To use her as an icon to spread a direly needed message is a great idea."
Social Trauma
The show begins airing throughout the Middle East on the first day of Ramadan (September 13) but it has already stirred controversy, as Arab satellite talk shows and the press debate whether the depiction and discussion of violent sexual trauma has a place during Ramadan.
Arab media reported that Yousra was injured during filming of the much-anticipated rape scene, and that she had suffered "psychological trauma". The reports left people speculating about the intensity of the scene and whether it will breach any taboos.
But the theme seems designed to go for the jugular. Many Egyptian women have stories, usually branded as "shameful" and "embarrassing", of public harassment and even outright sexual assault in public.
A recent statistical study carried out by the Egyptian Centre for Women's Rights revealed that 40 per cent of women have experienced sexual harassment.
In October 2006, Wael Abbas, a human rights activist, captured video images of throngs of men pulling scarves off veiled women and ganging up on two or three women at a time in downtown Cairo.
One picture even showed a group of girls taking sanctuary in a downtown store, crowds of men waiting at the door as a number of police officers seemed unable to contain the pandemonium.
"It is important that a big star like Yousra adopts such an issue," Wael Abbas told Al Jazeera.
Government agenda?
But some critics have questioned whether there is a government agenda behind A Case of Public Opinion and other shows similar in tone.
In recent years, Arab governments have endorsed the dramatisation of several issues, particularly terrorism, as a means to raise awareness.
After Saudi Arabia endured a rash of terror attacks, notably a November 2003 attack on a compound housing Arabs in Riyadh, the Saudi capital, regional production companies rolled out serials with a distinct anti-extremism message.
Abbas told Al Jazeera: "Sometimes these dramas are done to produce a desired calculated reaction in Arab and foreign circles. Ramadan shows are used as tools."
Noha Maarouf, a Cairo-based social psychologist, agrees, saying that many Arabic dramas propagate the political agendas of local governments.
"Some hot topics are raised in drama to keep people talking. People will be preoccupied discussing Ramadan soap operas for the next six months."
However, she believes Arab governments prefer controversy which could divert attention as cabinets are reshuffled and inflation soars.
"There is usually a sporadic reaction to these dramas and, even if people hate them, they serve as a good distraction," she told Al Jazeera.
"What would the government like more? If people criticise Ramadan television or [if they] criticise their policies and actions?"
Politics, corruption, and war
Nevertheless, Ramadan viewers this year will still get their share of political intrigue, cabinet betrayals, and the topic du jour – inheritance of power.
In the Egyptian-Syrian joint production King Farouk, the producers have promised a new reading of Egypt's monarchy set against post-World War I colonial occupation of Arab countries and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
Abbas believes the choice to produce and air the serial is itself a political gambit.
"Today in Egypt we are passing through a stage where inheritance of power - not unlike the case when Egypt was a kingdom - is a likely scenario," he told Al Jazeera.
Opposition parties have accused Hosni Mubarak, the 79-year-old president of Egypt, of grooming his son, rising politician Gamal Mubarak, to inherit the presidency.
Mohammed Abu-Seif, a director of Arabic serials, says independent production houses are giving Ramadan audiences exactly what they clamour for - contentious political issues and scandal.
"Politics rules the state that we live in now as we have reached a point of frustration where we have nothing but words to offer," he told Al Jazeera.
"It's a [situation] where both the rich and the poor suffer and so politics is present in every drama."
In one such upcoming drama, Nour al-Sherif plays the character of Saad al-Daly, a crooked businessman-cum-cabinet minister who uses his position for personal wealth and latitude.
The drama, titled Al-Daly, unfolds between 1965 and 1997 and traces Egypt's history through a gamut of political events that include the 1967 war and resulting defeat, the 1973 Yom Kippur war, and the assassination of Anwar Sadat, the former Egyptian president.
Syrian TV revisits history
King Farouk and Al-Daly are the latest historical re-dramatisations based on a trend which vaulted Syrian productions into the limelight in recent years.
Since the late 1990s, Syrian serials, acclaimed for their historical themes and finger-in-the-eye satirical comedies, have slowly edged their Egyptian counterparts.
This has created often fierce rivalry as both countries vie for Arab audiences.
And this Ramadan is no different.
The 2006 war between Israel and Lebanon is a common plotline in at least two Syrian soap operas, while another two dramas recount the injustices of the Ottoman rule and the French occupation of Arab states.
Syrian producers are sticking with their formulae - revisiting bloody chapters in Arab history, ones riddled with tales of injustice and occupation.
"If you want to pass on certain information or wittingly avoid censorship, you can always escape to history," says Mona Wasef, a Syrian actor famous for her politically-charged roles.
"Sometimes you hide behind history when you want to present forbidden thought," she told Al Jazeera.
Abu-Seif agrees, adding that historical dramatisations are a serial writer's best tactics to evade censorship and avoid having their material end up on the cutting room floor.
History versus reality
Whether these themes are a subdued reminder of a poignant Arab reality, Saad al-Qassem, the Damascus-based editor of Al-Fonoun (Arts) magazine, is unsure.
"Why do certain historical shows surface at certain times? Well, it could be an undertone of the contemporary state of politics," al-Qassem said.
He believes Arab audiences like to compare between the political status quo and the historical dramas to examine whether history repeats itself after all.
He said: "People in Syria are more attracted now to dramas that speak of past glories. It is not a surprise that under our current political climate people derive collective strength from their history."
By Pakinam Amer in Cairo
This Ramadan, television serials depicting sex, politics and war will be beamed into Arab living rooms, raising the stakes on contentious socio-political issues and risking a backlash.
The themes have, over the years, become more brazen.
In the Egyptian programme A Case of Public Opinion (Kadeyet Ray Aam), Yousra, an Egyptian actor and former sex symbol, plays a prominent university professor who is one of three women violently raped while returning home from work.
She and the women are immediately victimised - not only by the violent act but by a society unwilling, and perhaps unprepared, to hear out their trauma and angst.
But Yousra's character overcomes the shame and shunning associated with rape and persistently pushes the horror of the crime – and subsequently, women's role in a patriarchal community – to the fore.
Abier el-Barbary, a psychologist and member of a local women's rights group, believes Ramadan is an ideal time to raise awareness of issues that are otherwise ignored.
She said: "Yousra is a guaranteed role model for many generations of women. She's not a sex-symbol anymore and her western attire gives a message that she's easier to approach."
"To use her as an icon to spread a direly needed message is a great idea."
Social Trauma
The show begins airing throughout the Middle East on the first day of Ramadan (September 13) but it has already stirred controversy, as Arab satellite talk shows and the press debate whether the depiction and discussion of violent sexual trauma has a place during Ramadan.
Arab media reported that Yousra was injured during filming of the much-anticipated rape scene, and that she had suffered "psychological trauma". The reports left people speculating about the intensity of the scene and whether it will breach any taboos.
But the theme seems designed to go for the jugular. Many Egyptian women have stories, usually branded as "shameful" and "embarrassing", of public harassment and even outright sexual assault in public.
A recent statistical study carried out by the Egyptian Centre for Women's Rights revealed that 40 per cent of women have experienced sexual harassment.
In October 2006, Wael Abbas, a human rights activist, captured video images of throngs of men pulling scarves off veiled women and ganging up on two or three women at a time in downtown Cairo.
One picture even showed a group of girls taking sanctuary in a downtown store, crowds of men waiting at the door as a number of police officers seemed unable to contain the pandemonium.
"It is important that a big star like Yousra adopts such an issue," Wael Abbas told Al Jazeera.
Government agenda?
But some critics have questioned whether there is a government agenda behind A Case of Public Opinion and other shows similar in tone.
In recent years, Arab governments have endorsed the dramatisation of several issues, particularly terrorism, as a means to raise awareness.
After Saudi Arabia endured a rash of terror attacks, notably a November 2003 attack on a compound housing Arabs in Riyadh, the Saudi capital, regional production companies rolled out serials with a distinct anti-extremism message.
Abbas told Al Jazeera: "Sometimes these dramas are done to produce a desired calculated reaction in Arab and foreign circles. Ramadan shows are used as tools."
Noha Maarouf, a Cairo-based social psychologist, agrees, saying that many Arabic dramas propagate the political agendas of local governments.
"Some hot topics are raised in drama to keep people talking. People will be preoccupied discussing Ramadan soap operas for the next six months."
However, she believes Arab governments prefer controversy which could divert attention as cabinets are reshuffled and inflation soars.
"There is usually a sporadic reaction to these dramas and, even if people hate them, they serve as a good distraction," she told Al Jazeera.
"What would the government like more? If people criticise Ramadan television or [if they] criticise their policies and actions?"
Politics, corruption, and war
Nevertheless, Ramadan viewers this year will still get their share of political intrigue, cabinet betrayals, and the topic du jour – inheritance of power.
In the Egyptian-Syrian joint production King Farouk, the producers have promised a new reading of Egypt's monarchy set against post-World War I colonial occupation of Arab countries and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
Abbas believes the choice to produce and air the serial is itself a political gambit.
"Today in Egypt we are passing through a stage where inheritance of power - not unlike the case when Egypt was a kingdom - is a likely scenario," he told Al Jazeera.
Opposition parties have accused Hosni Mubarak, the 79-year-old president of Egypt, of grooming his son, rising politician Gamal Mubarak, to inherit the presidency.
Mohammed Abu-Seif, a director of Arabic serials, says independent production houses are giving Ramadan audiences exactly what they clamour for - contentious political issues and scandal.
"Politics rules the state that we live in now as we have reached a point of frustration where we have nothing but words to offer," he told Al Jazeera.
"It's a [situation] where both the rich and the poor suffer and so politics is present in every drama."
In one such upcoming drama, Nour al-Sherif plays the character of Saad al-Daly, a crooked businessman-cum-cabinet minister who uses his position for personal wealth and latitude.
The drama, titled Al-Daly, unfolds between 1965 and 1997 and traces Egypt's history through a gamut of political events that include the 1967 war and resulting defeat, the 1973 Yom Kippur war, and the assassination of Anwar Sadat, the former Egyptian president.
Syrian TV revisits history
King Farouk and Al-Daly are the latest historical re-dramatisations based on a trend which vaulted Syrian productions into the limelight in recent years.
Since the late 1990s, Syrian serials, acclaimed for their historical themes and finger-in-the-eye satirical comedies, have slowly edged their Egyptian counterparts.
This has created often fierce rivalry as both countries vie for Arab audiences.
And this Ramadan is no different.
The 2006 war between Israel and Lebanon is a common plotline in at least two Syrian soap operas, while another two dramas recount the injustices of the Ottoman rule and the French occupation of Arab states.
Syrian producers are sticking with their formulae - revisiting bloody chapters in Arab history, ones riddled with tales of injustice and occupation.
"If you want to pass on certain information or wittingly avoid censorship, you can always escape to history," says Mona Wasef, a Syrian actor famous for her politically-charged roles.
"Sometimes you hide behind history when you want to present forbidden thought," she told Al Jazeera.
Abu-Seif agrees, adding that historical dramatisations are a serial writer's best tactics to evade censorship and avoid having their material end up on the cutting room floor.
History versus reality
Whether these themes are a subdued reminder of a poignant Arab reality, Saad al-Qassem, the Damascus-based editor of Al-Fonoun (Arts) magazine, is unsure.
"Why do certain historical shows surface at certain times? Well, it could be an undertone of the contemporary state of politics," al-Qassem said.
He believes Arab audiences like to compare between the political status quo and the historical dramas to examine whether history repeats itself after all.
He said: "People in Syria are more attracted now to dramas that speak of past glories. It is not a surprise that under our current political climate people derive collective strength from their history."
Monday, September 10, 2007
NEWS FEATURE: Iraqis divided over results of US troop surge - dpa
Middle East NewsBy Kazem al-Akabi and Pakinam Amer
Sep 10, 2007, 14:57 GMT
Baghdad/Cairo - Debate over the achievements and shortcomings of the US troop surge plan has left Iraqis divided with many branding the strategy a failure.
US commander in Iraq, General David Petraeus, and Ryan C Crocker, American ambassador to Iraq, were expected Monday to report to Congress about the progress made since US President George W Bush announced his revised Iraq strategy, in which he pledged in January to increase troop numbers by 20,000 soldiers.
The surge took place between February and June. In Baghdad, where a new security plan was enacted hand-in-hand with the increase in the number of troops last February, many Iraqis believed that the increased US presence would save the country from the horrors of civil war.
"The US presence stands as a barrier in the face of armed militias who want to provoke the country into civil war," says Tareq Ibrahim, a Baghdad-based engineer.
Others said that "independence" is the key to control the security situation but added that Iraq was torn between a continued military occupation and the subsequent loss of sovereignty, and a possible disintegration into total chaos if the US was to withdraw its troops.
"We have to depend on ourselves," says 23-year-old Wissam Mohamed."But how could our weaponless forces stand against armed militias?"
In oil-rich Kirkuk, a disputed northern territory shared between Kurds and Turkmen, a gamut of opinions accompanied the idea of possible US troop reduction or even withdrawal.
Abdullah Hamoud al-Rayashy, a local farmer, said that the US surge "did not create a tangible change."
"There's more terrorism, more arrests, kidnappings, deportation. The Bush administration has failed to change the government programme after Iraqi politicians proved their failure," he said.
A shop owner from Kirkuk, Aras Khorshid, told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that the US administration did not solve problems, but described the possibility of withdrawal or a reduction in the US presence as a "disaster for Iraq."
He believes that the Americans are playing a negative role in the arguments over who should control Kirkuk - Kurds or Sunni Arabs and Turkmen.
But a withdrawal could mean more infiltration and shelling at the borders by neighbouring Iran and Turkey, according to Khorshid. Turksand Iranians are wreaking havoc in the autonomous Kurdish region while the government doesn't act, he says.
The armies of both Turkey and Iran have been engaged in a conflict with around 7,000 Kurdish rebels who are entrenched in the mountainous frontier region in northern Iraq.
Villages in northern Iraq have been shelled as militants belonging to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), outlawed in Turkey, and theParty for Freedom and Life in Kurdistan (PJAK) from Iran, are constantly targeted.
"The Americans should exercise pressure (on the Iraqis) to overhaul the army and police sources," said Omar Ouji, a Turkman."Meanwhile, they should slowly and gradually decrease their presence."
Accusations of violence have been levelled at Iraqi police and army forces whose ranks are believed to be infiltrated by members of sectarian militias.
Security elements, which ideally act as a source of protection, bear allegiances to different political factions and are said to have contributed to fomenting violence.
Meanwhile, during the two-day hearing General Petraeus is expected to try and curtail major moves to cut the number of US troops in Iraq in the forthcoming months. Democratic lawmakers in Congress have been pushing for a timetable for the US forces' withdrawal as Bush and his backers continue to warn against premature cuts.
The architect of this year's so-called surge, Petraeus is suggesting that only one brigade, about 4,000 troops, could go back home in December without being replaced but that larger cuts should wait until recommendations on such adjustments are presented in March 2008, according to the New York Times on Monday.
His surge, which only reached full strength during the summer, has reportedly produced some improvements in security in parts of Iraq,especially in and around Baghdad where the US-backed Fard al-Qanoun (Law Enforcement) security plan was put into effect.
However, amid growing debate on the degree of success and failure in Iraq, the Democrats want statistics.
Bush hinted at the possibility of withdrawal during a recent trip to Anbar province.
"When we begin to draw down, it will be from a position of strength and success, not from fear and failure," the US president said.
Egyptian journalist probed over Mubarak health rumours - dpa
Middle East FeaturesBy Pakinam Amer
Sep 5, 2007, 14:42 GMT
Cairo - In a country regularly shaken by political paranoia, Egyptian investigators are probing a popular opposition journalist for allegedly spreading 'dangerous' rumours about the health of President Hosny Mubarak which have gripped the nation in recent weeks.
On Wednesday morning, Ibrahim Eissa, editor-at-large of the opposition daily al-Dostour, was questioned by Egypt's Supreme State Security Prosecution.
Eissa was queried in relation to accusations of 'humiliating the president, broadcasting false stories, disrupting the peace and harming the national interests,' as 20 of his supporters chanted anti-government slogans outside of the prosecutor's office.
If indicted he may face a harsh punishment, according to journalists' union lawyer Sayyed Abu-Zeid, also one of Eissa's attorneys.
Over the past few weeks rumours have abounded about the state of the president's health, with some going as far as to as claim that Egypt's ruling party was clandestinely preparing a replacement for Mubarak as he lay on his death bed.
Only last week was the 'harmful' rumour officially, albeit aggressively, challenged.
Mubarak's wife Susan was the first to frankly dismiss the rumours, describing the president's health as 'really great' in an interview with an Arab broadcaster.
Surprise visits by the apparently well president to factories near Alexandria meanwhile received blanket media coverage.
Government mouthpieces then began levelling blame at a number of independent and opposition figures, pointing accusing fingers at al- Dostour newspaper in what Eissa described as a 'black climate.'
The ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) tagged the rumours 'dangerous,' while the government-run Supreme Counci of Journalists gave the independent Union of Journalists a deadline to 'punish the scaremongers.'
Some top editors even pushed for Eissa's arrest.
Eissa, described by his lawyer as a 'scapegoat,' dismisses the case as purely political.
'(The government) is settling scores with me,' said Eissa, who was sentenced to a year in prison in 2006 for 'insulting the head of the state.' Eissa did not serve the sentence but instead paid a heavy fine. However his scathing criticism of the President, his wife and influential son Gamal Mubarak did not cease.
Al-Dostour last week published several reports about the flurry of rumours.
According to Eissa's lawyer however, the rumours had already spread 'from Aswan (in the south) to Alexandria (in the north)' before Eissa approved publication of these reports.
'Talking about the president should not be an insult,' said Eissa, shortly before his interrogation. Displaying typical cynicism, the journalist said he considers the investigation 'an award for all my works.'
'This is the typical conduct of a police state,' he said.
The rumour had struck a chord. Its timing coincided with NDP internal elections and with rising speculation that Mubarak's son Gamal, currently the party's deputy leader, may replace his father as head.
Observers say the rumoured health scare also comes against a shifting political landscape.
Premier Ahmed Nazif's cabinet is weighed down by an avalanche of criticism, while the NDP is also under pressure from the 88 MPs allied to the Muslim Brotherhood movement, now considered the regime's number one adversary.
Media circles are meanwhile teeming with journalists who are candidly setting themselves against the regime and the Mubarak family.
Some voices have claimed the rumours were part of a psychological warfare campaign by the Muslim Brotherhood. Others blamed the United States.
'The source of the rumour could be anybody,' said Eissa however. '
And the worst is yet to come.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1352119.php/Egyptian_journalist_probed_over_Mubarak_health_rumours
* image from www.egypttoday.com
Egypt queries new Muslim Brotherhood crackdown - dpa
Middle East FeaturesBy Pakinam Amer
Aug 21, 2007, 12:18 GMT
Cairo - With a fresh crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt's strongest opposition group, Egyptians are wondering if incarceration is enough to bring it to its knees.
The group, which has weathered consecutive blows, said its members were accustomed to being prosecuted. 'When they don't like what I say, they take me away,' says the group's political council head, Essam al-Erian.
Al-Erian, who was imprisoned in 1981, 1995, 2005 and again in 2006, is among 28 group members who were detained in a police swoop targeting its leaders this week.
The Brotherhood is a popular movement that adopts 'Islam is the Solution' as its political motto. Eighty-eight members of Egypt's People's Assembly - the lower-house of parliament - are loyal to the outlawed group.
As its charismatic spokesperson, al-Erian has always been in the spotlight whenever the movement made significant announcements. Recently, al-Erian and some of his colleagues have floated the idea of launching a civil political party based on their publicized 'reform programme.'
They reiterated their emphasis on Islamic principles as the basis for a civil state and a ban on all forms of economic activity that contradict Islamic sharia Law, according to Gamal Essam el-Din, a political analyst.
'No sooner had the programme been released than it came under attack,' said Essam el-Din.
The Muslim Brotherhood's leaders were arrested on charges of 'belonging to a banned group, possession of anti-government publications and holding a meeting where internal issues were exploited to justify attacks against the regime.'
State-owned newspapers predict that the hard blow that left four of the group's leadership behind bars will send a tremor through its ranks.
But observers question if arrests will affect the pragmatic movement, whose members sometimes even meet the crackdowns with humour.
'Recent times have proved that the brotherhood is the only organized force in the political arena that is capable of confronting the ruling regime,' Amr Al-Shobaky, an Egyptian analyst, told the independent newspaper, al-Masri al-Yom.
According to al-Shobaky, every time the government attempts to introduce a modified reform programme, it finds itself head-to-head with the brotherhood - generally seen as receiving the lion's share of the regime's 'harassment.'
The members' finger-in-the-eye and even humourous attitude towards imprisonment does not amuse the regime, say analysts.
'The fact that I land in prison for (defending) an idea gives me peace,' said al-Erian a few weeks before he was re-arrested. 'That's why prison will never break us.'
The group claims that, in total, 600 of its members are currently behind bars.
By confining their most powerful leaders, some analysts claim that the regime is trying to provoke the Muslim brothers into using violence in order to justify its own action.
'But the brothers will not be lured into clashes with the regime, they will pass this time too,' said Magdi Qarqar, the general secretary of Egypt's Labour party.
The movement in lieu of aggression usually resort to a passionate war of words.
Abdel-Hamid al-Ghazali, an advisor to the group's so-called Supreme Guide, Mohammed Mahdi Akef, was quick to call the crackdown a form of 'state-terrorism.'
A young leader of the movement, Ibrahim al-Houdaiby, whose own grandfather once headed the group, wrote: 'The arrest of al-Erian is a clear attempt by the regime to crackdown on the moderate leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood who could push the group towards more moderate stances.
'The question remains: Who does that serve?'
Apparently in defiance of the regime, al-Erian's daughter told al- Dostour newspaper that this time her father and his colleagues refused to answer questions in custody since they 'said enough during previous questioning.'
The daughter also claimed the police broke into their house and seized cuttings of newspaper columns that her father had written as well as personal documents.
Such incidents, when put under the spotlight, quickly become human rights issues, prompting civil right groups to release statements condemning the regime's abuses--another 'score' for the movement.
In Egypt's largely conservative society where forms of religiosity are increasing, group members are some of the few to associate their cause with strict Islamic concepts, giving their struggle a holy touch.
As the government fails to give itself the image of the 'pious' or the 'God-fearing,' people like el-Erian come out and say that imprisonment is a time where the Brotherhood 'nurture their spiritual connection with God.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1345721.php/Egypt_queries_new_Muslim_Brotherhood_crackdown
*image from www.copticpolitics.org
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