Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 29, 2006, 17:50 GMT
Beirut - Druze leader Walid Jumblatt's recent statements against Hezbollah have sparked heated criticism from the opposition and applause from some Lebanese government supporters as the end of the 'feasts truce' approaches.
Jumblatt, an ally of Prime Minister Fouad Seniora and of the Future party, recently accused Hezbollah and Syria of plotting assassinations of Lebanese leaders, deeming Hezbollah unpatriotic and 'not Lebanese.'
In the opposition camps, where protestors and opposition members have been holding a sit-in for nearly a month in front of Seniora's office, people said they were used to Jumblatt's controversial statements.
But some pro-Syrian Hezbollah supporters were angry at what they called Jumblatt's 'defamatory' remarks.
A Hezbollah spokesman was quoted as saying that Jumblatt was trying to 'denigrate everything that the resistance (Hezbollah) has stood for.'
Around the camp, even some government supporters voiced doubts that Jumblatt would ever stick to his statements.
'Now (the rival forces) are engaged in verbal fights. But when they reach a deadlock, they will all change their positions and Jumblatt himself will put his hands in the hands of Hezbollah,' said one Sunni Future party supporter.
Others said the criticism of Hezbollah was not new, and that Syria was indeed considered responsible for assassinations of Lebanese leaders - way before Jumblatt's remarks were made.
Jumblatt's statements came after a month-long demonstrations, staged by Shiite Hezbollah, Amal and their Christian ally Michelle Aoun.
The demonstrations were sparked after Seniora approved a UN tribunal to try those suspected of playing a role in the February 2005 bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
A UN inquiry has implicated Syria in the plot against Hariri, who vocally opposed Damascus' then control of the country.
In statements to the pan-Arab Al-Arabiya channel, Jumblatt said that Syria was trying to form another secluded state inside Lebanon - represented in Hezbollah, a movement which, says Jumblatt, owns 'death squads'.
The outspoken leader added that Shiite Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah was taking his orders from the Sunni Syrian and Shiite Iranian regimes.
'Is it right that (Bashar) Assad and his men, men like Hassan Nasrallah, create a nation inside the (Lebanese) state? And (for Nasrallah) to take his orders from Syria and Iran?' Jumblatt asked in an al-Arabiya interview.
'(Nasrallah) has his followers, his arms, and his culture - which is against our culture. His culture is one of misery, martyrdom, and sorrow,' he added.
Jumblat took his criticism even further, warning the young Syrian president 'who is murdering free people in Lebanon' that there would be a 'Nawaf' for him - a sort of a freedom-fighter from anywhere inside Lebanon.
Nawaf Ghazaleh is a Syrian Druze assassin who shot to death ex- Syrian president Adib Shishakli.
'If the UN tribunal is hindered, we will all be Nawaf,' added Jumblatt.
In response, opposition leaders have described Jumblatt's statement as 'hostile.'
Across anti-government media outlets, the leaders said Jumblatt's statements could mark an end to the already fragile 'feasts truce'.
Jumblatt also criticized Nabih Berri, ally of Hezbollah, speaker of the Lebanese National Assembly and leader of Amal, who told the press earlier that he will introduce a new 'initiative' aiming at reconciliation and suggesting resolutions to end the current political standoff.
In Beirut-based al-Akhbar newspaper, Berri's suggestions were said to reportedly include a quota-based government board whose duty is to review and approve the UN tribunal, where three of the board members would be from the ruling party, three from the opposition in addition to four independent officers.
The 10-member board, according to the newspaper, should also prepare for new presidential and parliamentary elections.
So far, the details of the initiative were not disclosed and reports by al-Akhbar remain unconfirmed.
According to Berri, the full details of initiative will be announced within 10 days.
Pan-Arab TV channels had also said that this initiative will be solidified by Saudi and Iranian leaders, who are willing to facilitate the meditation between the Lebanese rival parties.
According to Al-Arabiya, the 'reconciliation' could occur on 'a Saudi table of negotiations.'
Berri is also said to have met privately with leaders of rival factions.
Berri's initiative had also coincided with statements that Saad Hariri, son of slain premier Rafik Hariri and Future party leader, had made during the truce.
Hariri had said that he was 'confident' that the UN inquiry into the killing of his father would 'see light soon.'
However, Jumblatt's statements perhaps will escalate the issues further - as observers note- after people saw a 'glimpse of hope' following Berri's and Hariri's statements.
In his remarks to Al-Arabiya, Jumblatt did not exclude Berri - considered a moderate voice in the opposition - from his fiery criticism, declaring: 'Berri is a hostage (in Hezbollah's hands) and he is threatened.'
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237979.php/Jumblatt_remarks_spark_anger_-_reconciliation_at_risk
Friday, December 29, 2006
DPA: Protestors vow to stay in Beirut's tent city despite cold
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 29, 2006, 14:02 GMT
Beirut - As the winter chill moves into Beirut, protestors are constructing what they call 'the opposition tent city,' vowing not to give in to lower temperatures or abandon their demonstration against Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's government.
The largely Hezbollah-backed opponents, who have been staking out their place in central Beirut for a month, were busily filling their tents with supplies and other winter necessities not far from where Seniora and his cabinet have sought refuge, separated only by the Lebanese army and metres of barbed wire.
The pro-Syrian Hezbollah, along with the Amal movement and their Christian ally Michel Aoun, have been leading the month-long protest, leaving the embattled country in a political standoff with no end in sight.
The demonstrations were sparked after Seniora approved a UN tribunal to try those suspected of playing a role in the February 2005 bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
A UN inquiry has implicated Syria in the plot against Hariri, who vocally opposed Damascus' then occupation of the country.
Each of the factions has established a separate make-shift camp in Beirut's once-chic squares, with Amal and Hezbollah occupying Riad al-Solh square, the largest spot in close proximity to the Ottoman- era governmental palace where Seniora and members of his cabinet have sought sanctuary since the beginning of December.
'If they're playing the time game, thinking we will get bored as time goes by, they should know that they are wrong and that we will win,' a young Hezbollah supporter said.
Seniora, who strictly opposes a Syrian role in internal Lebanese affairs, has refused to back down, saying the protestors 'will not scare us' in a recent address to the nation. The crisis has drawn a great deal of attention in the region, but attempts to end the stalemate have been unsuccessful.
Seniora's cabinet has done little to break up the protest but has steadfastly refused to give in to the demands of its leaders, raising questions about how long the protestors can keep up the pressure.
After Nabih Berry, speaker of the Lebanese National Assembly and leader of Amal, declared that initiatives to end the dispute between the government and opposition failed, the protestors have hardened their stance.
Reports on Thursday said Arab League Secretary General Amr Mussa may cancel plans to return to Lebanon if both sides continue to show no willingness to compromise.
Ya Libnan news reported that Mussa's return is 'not guaranteed' if he does not receive 'encouraging and tangible signals' from the rival sides. Mussa said last week he would do everything possible to end the standoff but that both sides had to work out the 'details.'
Some analysts believe Mussa's effort is doomed to fail because of the continued verbal barrages between government officials and the protestors, and there are concerns the opposition will become more aggressive in their demonstrations.
Meanwhile, the protestors have continued assembling their 'tent city,' stockpiling water, food, pillows and blankets while taking an occasional break to attend lectures.
'Not everyone can afford to stay here and pay for food and water every day, so we decided to take on this mission,' said a senior coordinator in the Amal movement who asked his name be withheld.
'We're trying to make these tents as hospitable as possible,' he said, adding the protests could last all winter 'for all we know.'
'We're not leaving until the government steps down,' another opposition supporter exclaimed.
Firmly pinned tents have been raised above the ground by rock tiles and layered with plastic to protect them against the rain and possible flooding. There are portable toilets and the tent have mats, blankets, electricity and in some cases televisions or radios powered by generators supplied by Hezbollah and Amal.
The Amal aide insisted that the funding for the sit-in was coming from Lebanese sympathetic to the movement, but there has also been speculation that Iran and Syria are funding the protests to assert their influence in the country.
But nevertheless, the protestors remain determined. A group of Hezbollah youths told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that they 'could stay here forever.'
'We will not give up. We could stay here (in the camps) for years,' said one member as others signalled their agreement.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237794.php/Protestors_vow_to_stay_in_Beiruts_tent_city_despite_cold
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 29, 2006, 14:02 GMT
Beirut - As the winter chill moves into Beirut, protestors are constructing what they call 'the opposition tent city,' vowing not to give in to lower temperatures or abandon their demonstration against Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's government.
The largely Hezbollah-backed opponents, who have been staking out their place in central Beirut for a month, were busily filling their tents with supplies and other winter necessities not far from where Seniora and his cabinet have sought refuge, separated only by the Lebanese army and metres of barbed wire.
The pro-Syrian Hezbollah, along with the Amal movement and their Christian ally Michel Aoun, have been leading the month-long protest, leaving the embattled country in a political standoff with no end in sight.
The demonstrations were sparked after Seniora approved a UN tribunal to try those suspected of playing a role in the February 2005 bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
A UN inquiry has implicated Syria in the plot against Hariri, who vocally opposed Damascus' then occupation of the country.
Each of the factions has established a separate make-shift camp in Beirut's once-chic squares, with Amal and Hezbollah occupying Riad al-Solh square, the largest spot in close proximity to the Ottoman- era governmental palace where Seniora and members of his cabinet have sought sanctuary since the beginning of December.
'If they're playing the time game, thinking we will get bored as time goes by, they should know that they are wrong and that we will win,' a young Hezbollah supporter said.
Seniora, who strictly opposes a Syrian role in internal Lebanese affairs, has refused to back down, saying the protestors 'will not scare us' in a recent address to the nation. The crisis has drawn a great deal of attention in the region, but attempts to end the stalemate have been unsuccessful.
Seniora's cabinet has done little to break up the protest but has steadfastly refused to give in to the demands of its leaders, raising questions about how long the protestors can keep up the pressure.
After Nabih Berry, speaker of the Lebanese National Assembly and leader of Amal, declared that initiatives to end the dispute between the government and opposition failed, the protestors have hardened their stance.
Reports on Thursday said Arab League Secretary General Amr Mussa may cancel plans to return to Lebanon if both sides continue to show no willingness to compromise.
Ya Libnan news reported that Mussa's return is 'not guaranteed' if he does not receive 'encouraging and tangible signals' from the rival sides. Mussa said last week he would do everything possible to end the standoff but that both sides had to work out the 'details.'
Some analysts believe Mussa's effort is doomed to fail because of the continued verbal barrages between government officials and the protestors, and there are concerns the opposition will become more aggressive in their demonstrations.
Meanwhile, the protestors have continued assembling their 'tent city,' stockpiling water, food, pillows and blankets while taking an occasional break to attend lectures.
'Not everyone can afford to stay here and pay for food and water every day, so we decided to take on this mission,' said a senior coordinator in the Amal movement who asked his name be withheld.
'We're trying to make these tents as hospitable as possible,' he said, adding the protests could last all winter 'for all we know.'
'We're not leaving until the government steps down,' another opposition supporter exclaimed.
Firmly pinned tents have been raised above the ground by rock tiles and layered with plastic to protect them against the rain and possible flooding. There are portable toilets and the tent have mats, blankets, electricity and in some cases televisions or radios powered by generators supplied by Hezbollah and Amal.
The Amal aide insisted that the funding for the sit-in was coming from Lebanese sympathetic to the movement, but there has also been speculation that Iran and Syria are funding the protests to assert their influence in the country.
But nevertheless, the protestors remain determined. A group of Hezbollah youths told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that they 'could stay here forever.'
'We will not give up. We could stay here (in the camps) for years,' said one member as others signalled their agreement.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237794.php/Protestors_vow_to_stay_in_Beiruts_tent_city_despite_cold
Thursday, December 28, 2006
DPA: Advert campaigns rage on between rival factions in Beirut
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 28, 2006, 11:41 GMT
Beirut - The cold war between rival political factions in Beirut has invaded a new sphere - advertisements, street billboards and even Christmas promotions.
Across radio channels, local television networks, and even on billboards in and around Beirut, both the opposition on one side and the government on another have launched ad campaigns to boost their cause.
After sitting-in in makeshift camps on two main squares for almost a month, the pro-Syrian opposition is now trying to pressure the government verbally.
These verbal conflicts foreshadow - in the eyes of some observers - a form of a 'civil strife' that is expected to intensify even more after the end of the 'feasts truce' that is currently in effect.
'I love life' is the title of the campaign that the government has recently launched against its rivals.
The campaign is coupled with rallies and a high-profile concert whose tickets are sold for low prices - about the price of a meal. The New Year 'government' concert is to be held in the same area in which the opposition tents are standing.
On larger than life red-and-white billboards and on banners stretched across buildings, supporters of the government - mainly the Future party led by Saad Hariri son of slain Premier Rafiq Hariri - have written that they 'love life.'
Generally, over the past few weeks, and since the anti-government pro-Syrian demonstrations began, supporters of the government deemed their rivals were 'not keen' on Lebanon's future and not so much attached to a 'peaceful life' as they are.
The opposition - led by Shiite Hezbollah and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun - were held to be 'unpatriotic' in the eyes of many, and were considered bearers of 'chaos.'
The campaign was seen as an act of defiance against the opposition which has vowed to topple Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's government and has threatened 'civil disobedience' if their demands are not met.
In response to the 'I love life' campaign, many of the opposition rushed down to the protest squares with banners and signs reading: 'We love life too.'
'I love life too,' said Osama, an opposition member of the Marada faction, who gave only his first name.
'They don't love life. What kind of life do they love? They love the American and Israeli life only,' said another Maronite opposition member standing nearby.
The Lebanese cabinet has been under fire lately for holding talks with the United States, and was considered to have taken a 'passive' stance towards the recent Israeli offensive on Lebanon. 'They're not showing the truth,' said Osama.
'These (government) logos mean nothing to me,' said Robert Hanna, a Maronite supporter of Hezbollah and Marada faction, regarding the 'I love life' campaign.
'They want to make it sound like it's a war between people who love life and people who don't,' he said.
'They are also trying to turn it into a sectarian strife. Shiite and Sunni Muslims, Christian leaders are both against the government. It's strictly political,' Hanna added.
In a counter campaign to that of the government, the protestors hung enormous posters and banners featuring their leaders - and most importantly a poster featuring Seniora greeting US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice by hugging her.
The giant poster of Rice and Seniora read: 'Thank you for your patience Condi; some of our children are still alive.'
The poster was meant to remind the opposition of what they described as the 'wavering position' of the government in face of the 'American and Zionist' enemy.
The United States is seen by many Lebanese as the first and foremost ally of Israel and was strongly labelled as an 'enemy' after its failure to restrain Israel in its 33-day-war against the Hezbollah in Lebanon last summer.
It is also believed among many opposition members, one Hezbollah supporter explained that the 'US during the last war was fuelling Israel with the same weapons that Israel used to shoot down our children.'
In independent radio and television channels, the war of imagery and words is not apparent. However, the Christmas advertisement and promotion campaigns became politicized in spite of themselves.
In a radio advertisement for a Christmas gift shop, the promotion mocks - or even utilizes - the dissent between the government 'majority' and the opposition 'minority.'
'Majority or minority; they were brought together by our gift,' said the advertisement which boasts that the gift shop has united - more likely attracted - supporters of both factions.
Other Christmas store and product promotions carry lines like 'gifts for all the Lebanese' clearly playing on the line that many Lebanese are divided but these products are 'for all' - and not for a certain faction or party.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237369.php/Advert_campaigns_rage_on_between_rival_factions_in_Beirut
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_6601-Advert-Campaigns-Rage-On-Between-Rival-Factions-In-Beirut.html
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 28, 2006, 11:41 GMT
Beirut - The cold war between rival political factions in Beirut has invaded a new sphere - advertisements, street billboards and even Christmas promotions.
Across radio channels, local television networks, and even on billboards in and around Beirut, both the opposition on one side and the government on another have launched ad campaigns to boost their cause.
After sitting-in in makeshift camps on two main squares for almost a month, the pro-Syrian opposition is now trying to pressure the government verbally.
These verbal conflicts foreshadow - in the eyes of some observers - a form of a 'civil strife' that is expected to intensify even more after the end of the 'feasts truce' that is currently in effect.
'I love life' is the title of the campaign that the government has recently launched against its rivals.
The campaign is coupled with rallies and a high-profile concert whose tickets are sold for low prices - about the price of a meal. The New Year 'government' concert is to be held in the same area in which the opposition tents are standing.
On larger than life red-and-white billboards and on banners stretched across buildings, supporters of the government - mainly the Future party led by Saad Hariri son of slain Premier Rafiq Hariri - have written that they 'love life.'
Generally, over the past few weeks, and since the anti-government pro-Syrian demonstrations began, supporters of the government deemed their rivals were 'not keen' on Lebanon's future and not so much attached to a 'peaceful life' as they are.
The opposition - led by Shiite Hezbollah and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun - were held to be 'unpatriotic' in the eyes of many, and were considered bearers of 'chaos.'
The campaign was seen as an act of defiance against the opposition which has vowed to topple Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's government and has threatened 'civil disobedience' if their demands are not met.
In response to the 'I love life' campaign, many of the opposition rushed down to the protest squares with banners and signs reading: 'We love life too.'
'I love life too,' said Osama, an opposition member of the Marada faction, who gave only his first name.
'They don't love life. What kind of life do they love? They love the American and Israeli life only,' said another Maronite opposition member standing nearby.
The Lebanese cabinet has been under fire lately for holding talks with the United States, and was considered to have taken a 'passive' stance towards the recent Israeli offensive on Lebanon. 'They're not showing the truth,' said Osama.
'These (government) logos mean nothing to me,' said Robert Hanna, a Maronite supporter of Hezbollah and Marada faction, regarding the 'I love life' campaign.
'They want to make it sound like it's a war between people who love life and people who don't,' he said.
'They are also trying to turn it into a sectarian strife. Shiite and Sunni Muslims, Christian leaders are both against the government. It's strictly political,' Hanna added.
In a counter campaign to that of the government, the protestors hung enormous posters and banners featuring their leaders - and most importantly a poster featuring Seniora greeting US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice by hugging her.
The giant poster of Rice and Seniora read: 'Thank you for your patience Condi; some of our children are still alive.'
The poster was meant to remind the opposition of what they described as the 'wavering position' of the government in face of the 'American and Zionist' enemy.
The United States is seen by many Lebanese as the first and foremost ally of Israel and was strongly labelled as an 'enemy' after its failure to restrain Israel in its 33-day-war against the Hezbollah in Lebanon last summer.
It is also believed among many opposition members, one Hezbollah supporter explained that the 'US during the last war was fuelling Israel with the same weapons that Israel used to shoot down our children.'
In independent radio and television channels, the war of imagery and words is not apparent. However, the Christmas advertisement and promotion campaigns became politicized in spite of themselves.
In a radio advertisement for a Christmas gift shop, the promotion mocks - or even utilizes - the dissent between the government 'majority' and the opposition 'minority.'
'Majority or minority; they were brought together by our gift,' said the advertisement which boasts that the gift shop has united - more likely attracted - supporters of both factions.
Other Christmas store and product promotions carry lines like 'gifts for all the Lebanese' clearly playing on the line that many Lebanese are divided but these products are 'for all' - and not for a certain faction or party.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237369.php/Advert_campaigns_rage_on_between_rival_factions_in_Beirut
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_6601-Advert-Campaigns-Rage-On-Between-Rival-Factions-In-Beirut.html
Tuesday, December 26, 2006
DPA: Little festive cheer in Beirut as business suffers
Middle East Features
Pakinam Amer
Dec 26, 2006, 18:50 GMT
Beirut - It's Christmas but the once-thriving central Beirut has almost turned into a ghost city.
Services across downtown Beirut have lost most of their regular clients in the past weeks forcing some business to close down to avoid more financial losses.
Meanwhile, their owners have pleaded for a resolution to the unrest so that they would at least 'feel the Christmas and Eid-al- Adha (feast of sacrifice) spirit.'
'This is a disaster; if the situation stays as such, we're not going to make it after the season. We're forced to close like other restaurants,' said Elie Zouein, manager of a sushi restaurant, which was always full before the troubles began.
A few metres from Zouein's colourful sushi place - decorated in red, gold and green in a far-eastern hip style - is the Ottoman-era government palace where Prime Minister Fouad Seniora has sought sanctuary as thousands of protestors demand his resignation.
Around the palace, hundreds of pro-Syrian opposition protesters have established a make-shift camp since December 1, transforming the once elegant area into a battlefield between the anti-American opposition forces and what they deemed the illegitimate and pro- American loyalist regime.
The opposition, led by Shiite Hezbollah and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun, are pressing Seniora, a Sunni Muslim, for a greater share of power in a national unity government.
The anti-Syrian majority, however, says this demand is only a move to block the formation of an international tribunal to try suspects in the 2005 assassination of former premier Rafik Hariri.
So far the government has not responded to provocations by the opposition, which holds loud anti-government concerts, talk-shows broadcast live from the camps and rowdy festival-like rallies almost every night.
However, the negative economic repercussions of the opposition camps have by far surpassed its political ones.
Roads leading into downtown Beirut swarm with security elements - police forces, in addition to Hezbollah 'indibat' (Discipline) youth dressed in black and Aoun-affiliated security elements dressed in leather jackets tagged 'Hawks.'
Checkpoints and barbed wire cordon off certain parts, and some streets are entirely sealed off. Shoppers are obliged to tell police their destination before they are allowed into the centre of the once-blossoming area.
The situation has also sent downtown customers flocking to other less troublesome places. Some people have chosen to stay at home during the holidays, which businessmen say is pushing them towards the brink of 'bankruptcy.'
However, those hawking coffee, flags and fruit juices are apparently profiting from the protests although the demonstrators themselves pay little attention to the deteriorating economic situation.
'No one asked these people to close down their places,' said Hoda Eissa, a female higher-ranking member of Hezbollah. 'Actually, our protests attract many people to this area. Look around you, there is hundreds of people here.'
'The protestors are separated from the downtown area by the Lebanese army,' responded Tony Eid, head of a local traders and businessmen union.
'Those who head to the downtown are protestors not shoppers. We haven't seen any of them sitting at a restaurant or going around the shops.'
'They have caused paralysis to the area,' said Eid. An economic analyst told a local TV station there had been a decline of more than 80 per cent in downtown activity over the past weeks.
The restaurant manager, 24-year-old Zouein, sits in his empty restaurant and the Maronite Christian gave full vent to frustration, saying, 'The holiday season is ruined,' putting on some Christmas carols to rekindle some inkling of festivity.
'After the war, we got back on our feet and then this issue of the opposition rose and everything went down again,' he said.
But he has been forced to send home 12 staff home since the protests began, saying, 'I don't need waiters because nobody is coming.'
'In this situation, I don't take sides. I want the conflict to end.'
Zouein believes the future of Lebanon is dim and the political scene has forced him to take steps to leave the country for good.
'I'm struggling because I want to stay here. I have little brothers and little sisters, my friends, I have social life. I'm very happy in this country, I don't want to leave but they're forcing us to leave,' said Zouein.
Zouein and many others across Lebanon, expect some form of civil strife, if the situation escalates.
Protestors had announced recently that if their demands are not met, 'civil disobedience' after the feasts is inevitable.
'When I listen to their statements, I expect the worst,' said Zouein. 'We don't want war. We love life.'
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1236794.php/Little_festive_cheer_in_Beirut_as_business_suffers
http://www.playfuls.com/news_09_1498-Little-Festive-Cheer-In-Beirut-As-Business-Suffers.html
Pakinam Amer
Dec 26, 2006, 18:50 GMT
Beirut - It's Christmas but the once-thriving central Beirut has almost turned into a ghost city.
Services across downtown Beirut have lost most of their regular clients in the past weeks forcing some business to close down to avoid more financial losses.
Meanwhile, their owners have pleaded for a resolution to the unrest so that they would at least 'feel the Christmas and Eid-al- Adha (feast of sacrifice) spirit.'
'This is a disaster; if the situation stays as such, we're not going to make it after the season. We're forced to close like other restaurants,' said Elie Zouein, manager of a sushi restaurant, which was always full before the troubles began.
A few metres from Zouein's colourful sushi place - decorated in red, gold and green in a far-eastern hip style - is the Ottoman-era government palace where Prime Minister Fouad Seniora has sought sanctuary as thousands of protestors demand his resignation.
Around the palace, hundreds of pro-Syrian opposition protesters have established a make-shift camp since December 1, transforming the once elegant area into a battlefield between the anti-American opposition forces and what they deemed the illegitimate and pro- American loyalist regime.
The opposition, led by Shiite Hezbollah and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun, are pressing Seniora, a Sunni Muslim, for a greater share of power in a national unity government.
The anti-Syrian majority, however, says this demand is only a move to block the formation of an international tribunal to try suspects in the 2005 assassination of former premier Rafik Hariri.
So far the government has not responded to provocations by the opposition, which holds loud anti-government concerts, talk-shows broadcast live from the camps and rowdy festival-like rallies almost every night.
However, the negative economic repercussions of the opposition camps have by far surpassed its political ones.
Roads leading into downtown Beirut swarm with security elements - police forces, in addition to Hezbollah 'indibat' (Discipline) youth dressed in black and Aoun-affiliated security elements dressed in leather jackets tagged 'Hawks.'
Checkpoints and barbed wire cordon off certain parts, and some streets are entirely sealed off. Shoppers are obliged to tell police their destination before they are allowed into the centre of the once-blossoming area.
The situation has also sent downtown customers flocking to other less troublesome places. Some people have chosen to stay at home during the holidays, which businessmen say is pushing them towards the brink of 'bankruptcy.'
However, those hawking coffee, flags and fruit juices are apparently profiting from the protests although the demonstrators themselves pay little attention to the deteriorating economic situation.
'No one asked these people to close down their places,' said Hoda Eissa, a female higher-ranking member of Hezbollah. 'Actually, our protests attract many people to this area. Look around you, there is hundreds of people here.'
'The protestors are separated from the downtown area by the Lebanese army,' responded Tony Eid, head of a local traders and businessmen union.
'Those who head to the downtown are protestors not shoppers. We haven't seen any of them sitting at a restaurant or going around the shops.'
'They have caused paralysis to the area,' said Eid. An economic analyst told a local TV station there had been a decline of more than 80 per cent in downtown activity over the past weeks.
The restaurant manager, 24-year-old Zouein, sits in his empty restaurant and the Maronite Christian gave full vent to frustration, saying, 'The holiday season is ruined,' putting on some Christmas carols to rekindle some inkling of festivity.
'After the war, we got back on our feet and then this issue of the opposition rose and everything went down again,' he said.
But he has been forced to send home 12 staff home since the protests began, saying, 'I don't need waiters because nobody is coming.'
'In this situation, I don't take sides. I want the conflict to end.'
Zouein believes the future of Lebanon is dim and the political scene has forced him to take steps to leave the country for good.
'I'm struggling because I want to stay here. I have little brothers and little sisters, my friends, I have social life. I'm very happy in this country, I don't want to leave but they're forcing us to leave,' said Zouein.
Zouein and many others across Lebanon, expect some form of civil strife, if the situation escalates.
Protestors had announced recently that if their demands are not met, 'civil disobedience' after the feasts is inevitable.
'When I listen to their statements, I expect the worst,' said Zouein. 'We don't want war. We love life.'
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1236794.php/Little_festive_cheer_in_Beirut_as_business_suffers
http://www.playfuls.com/news_09_1498-Little-Festive-Cheer-In-Beirut-As-Business-Suffers.html
Monday, December 25, 2006
DPA: Lebanon's faiths mingle at Christmas Eve rally
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 25, 2006, 0:44 GMT
Beirut - Lebanese anti-government protesters united across religions Sunday for a high-spirited Christmas Eve street party, complete with balloons, drums, fireworks and a two-story-high Christmas tree.
Shiite Hezbollah members dressed as Santa Claus to entertain children, kids in coloured masks cheered, coffee and tobacco sellers hawked their wares and Lebanese flags fluttered in what was also the latest rally against the Western-backed government.
'Our main aim is for this government to step down, and we will not go home until they do. That's why I choose to celebrate here instead of my own home,' said Hoda al-Farjiya, a Christian, sitting under a white tent near Prime Minister Fouad Senior's government palace.
Hundreds of pro-Syrian opposition protesters have surrounded government offices in downtown Beirut since December 1, transforming the elegant area into a makeshift camp to bring pressure on a government they call illegitimate.
The opposition - Shiites and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun - are pressing Seniora, a Sunni Muslim, for a greater share of power.
The anti-Syrian majority sees this demand as a move to block the formation of an international tribunal to try suspects in the 2005 assassination of former premier Rafik Hariri.
Many Maronites joined Shiites from the Hezbollah and Amal movements Sunday night. Veiled women wore the Aoun bands; some Christian men wore crosses and miniature pendants depicting the sword of Ali - the Prophet Mohammed's cousin and a Shiite icon.
'In the past we used to say 'This is Christian' and 'This is Muslim.' Now we stand here together and say 'Religion is for God and Lebanon is for everyone',' said al-Farjiya.
'We lived together for the past month, we talked and we became companions. Now we understand each other and we're happy together,' she said.
A veiled woman dressed in black wore a scarf marked with Hezbollah's logo. But her daughter wore a green scarf in support of Marada, a Christian faction.
'I am a Hezbollah supporter but my daughter here is a supporter of the Maronite group,' the woman, Meriam, said of her daughter Fatema.
Meriam, who gave only her first name, planned to attend a Christmas mass at the Lebanese capital's Saint George's Church.
'I will stand side by side by my Christian brothers and sisters,' she said.
On Christmas Eve in the two main squares, the night of downtown Beirut was almost entirely coloured yellow, black, orange and green - the diverse colours representing the forces in the main coalition of the Hezbollah-led opposition.
Leaders of Hezbollah and the Sunni-based Islamic Unity whipped up the crowd and the chilly night air with speeches. 'Down with Seniora,' chanted the mixed hordes of Christians, Shiites and Sunnis.
'All my friends and I are here for Christmas. It couldn't be better and I can't hope for more. I'm very happy,' said a 16-year-old curly-haired Marwa, also a Christian Maronite.
Tony a friend of hers explained that they had been decorating for six days, preparing food and even baking cake at the fully-furnished camps.
Osama, who gave only his first name, was one Christian who said he would rather pray with Muslims from his own coalition than with fellow Christians from other Lebanese parties.
'We are all brothers in cause. Not Muslims or Christians anymore but Lebanese,' he said.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/printer_1236553.php
http://www.lebaneselobby.org/News__index/news%202006/12%2025%2006%20Lebanon's%20faiths%20mingle%20at%20Christmas%20Eve%20rally.html
http://www.rxpgnews.com/india/Lebanons-faiths-mingle-at-Christmas-eve-rally_9793.shtml
http://www.bruneitimes.com.bn/details.php?shape_ID=15088
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 25, 2006, 0:44 GMT
Beirut - Lebanese anti-government protesters united across religions Sunday for a high-spirited Christmas Eve street party, complete with balloons, drums, fireworks and a two-story-high Christmas tree.
Shiite Hezbollah members dressed as Santa Claus to entertain children, kids in coloured masks cheered, coffee and tobacco sellers hawked their wares and Lebanese flags fluttered in what was also the latest rally against the Western-backed government.
'Our main aim is for this government to step down, and we will not go home until they do. That's why I choose to celebrate here instead of my own home,' said Hoda al-Farjiya, a Christian, sitting under a white tent near Prime Minister Fouad Senior's government palace.
Hundreds of pro-Syrian opposition protesters have surrounded government offices in downtown Beirut since December 1, transforming the elegant area into a makeshift camp to bring pressure on a government they call illegitimate.
The opposition - Shiites and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun - are pressing Seniora, a Sunni Muslim, for a greater share of power.
The anti-Syrian majority sees this demand as a move to block the formation of an international tribunal to try suspects in the 2005 assassination of former premier Rafik Hariri.
Many Maronites joined Shiites from the Hezbollah and Amal movements Sunday night. Veiled women wore the Aoun bands; some Christian men wore crosses and miniature pendants depicting the sword of Ali - the Prophet Mohammed's cousin and a Shiite icon.
'In the past we used to say 'This is Christian' and 'This is Muslim.' Now we stand here together and say 'Religion is for God and Lebanon is for everyone',' said al-Farjiya.
'We lived together for the past month, we talked and we became companions. Now we understand each other and we're happy together,' she said.
A veiled woman dressed in black wore a scarf marked with Hezbollah's logo. But her daughter wore a green scarf in support of Marada, a Christian faction.
'I am a Hezbollah supporter but my daughter here is a supporter of the Maronite group,' the woman, Meriam, said of her daughter Fatema.
Meriam, who gave only her first name, planned to attend a Christmas mass at the Lebanese capital's Saint George's Church.
'I will stand side by side by my Christian brothers and sisters,' she said.
On Christmas Eve in the two main squares, the night of downtown Beirut was almost entirely coloured yellow, black, orange and green - the diverse colours representing the forces in the main coalition of the Hezbollah-led opposition.
Leaders of Hezbollah and the Sunni-based Islamic Unity whipped up the crowd and the chilly night air with speeches. 'Down with Seniora,' chanted the mixed hordes of Christians, Shiites and Sunnis.
'All my friends and I are here for Christmas. It couldn't be better and I can't hope for more. I'm very happy,' said a 16-year-old curly-haired Marwa, also a Christian Maronite.
Tony a friend of hers explained that they had been decorating for six days, preparing food and even baking cake at the fully-furnished camps.
Osama, who gave only his first name, was one Christian who said he would rather pray with Muslims from his own coalition than with fellow Christians from other Lebanese parties.
'We are all brothers in cause. Not Muslims or Christians anymore but Lebanese,' he said.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/printer_1236553.php
http://www.lebaneselobby.org/News__index/news%202006/12%2025%2006%20Lebanon's%20faiths%20mingle%20at%20Christmas%20Eve%20rally.html
http://www.rxpgnews.com/india/Lebanons-faiths-mingle-at-Christmas-eve-rally_9793.shtml
http://www.bruneitimes.com.bn/details.php?shape_ID=15088
Thursday, December 21, 2006
DPA: Iran's influence in Middle East to rise in 2007
By Pakinam Amer
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Tuesday December 19, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo - Iran's influence in the Middle East could rise in 2007, unless there is a radical turnaround in events, in the view of observers and analysts in the region.
Forces opposed to the United States - the Syrian government, Shiites in Iraq and in Lebanon - are forging alliances with the Shiite state, which is establishing its position as a power broker in the region.
Shortly before the year ended, Syrian President Bashar Assad told the Italian daily La Repubblica that Western states had to be willing to talk to Syria and Iran if they wanted to stabilize the situation in Iraq.
Syria, although overwhelmingly a Sunni state, has recently bolstered relations with Iraq through exchanging ambassadors after almost a quarter of a century of cool relations.
Iran has been keen to draw Syria in and invited both Iraqi and Syrian leaders to a summit on the violence in Iraq.
Baghdad has also been bolstering economic ties with Iran. Near the end of the year, Tehran and Baghdad signed 48 documents on bilateral cooperation and expanding ties in political, economic, security, defence and cultural areas.
Analysts say Iran has long wanted good relations between Tehran and Baghdad.
"The picture is now quite clear: there is an open Iranian endeavour to intimidate the region to attain multiple aims. Some are economic-geopolitical and some are religious," says Abdel-Wahab Qassab, Iraqi analyst and head of the Iraqi Dar Centre for Future Studies.
In Iraq, "foreign intervention" has been blamed for the sectarian violence verging on civil war, with fingers pointed at Iran. Some observers have even said that the "chaos" in Iraq serves Iranian interests.
But Iranian studies professor and Egyptian analyst Mohammad Said Abdel-Moneim does not believe that Iran would "permit" a civil war in Iraq.
"A civil war would endanger Iran and its borders as much as it would hurt Iraq," he says. "Iran cannot establish itself in Iraq unless there is relative calm and stability. Iraq has to be stable enough for Shiite and Iranian relations to be shored up and for Iran to benefit from these relations strategically and economically," Abdel-Moneim says.
He adds "Iran will not let the state of affairs turn into a civil war. It will definitely use its influence among the Iraqi Shiites and the Kurds to present wiser and more balanced elements to deal with the infighting factions."
Although Qassab also does not directly accuse Iran of "meddling" in Iraq, he does say that Iranian-backed militias are causing civil unrest there.
"Those encouraging the militias are foreign elements from Iran," Qassab says. "The Iranian militias are carrying out what could be called ethnic cleansing."
According to Qassab, Iranian control over Iraq is growing and is both a risk to the sovereignty of Iraq and to US global policy, even though its interests do not lie in fomenting civil war.
Nevertheless Iran could possibly benefit from unrest, as this further weakens US influence.
"The introduction of the foreign Sunni fighting element gave Iran a double chance in promoting its goals in Iraq," he says in reference to Syrian-backed militias in Iraq.
Iran aimed to control the activities of these foreign fighters through its influence over Syria, seen by the United States as the main covert supporter of these militias.
The Kurds meanwhile are strongly opposed to these Iranian efforts, "partly because there is an agenda agreed by the Kurdish and Shiite leaderships."
Iran has also used its intelligence services to gain control over Iraqi internal affairs and to increase its media presence there.
"There are at least 10 (Iranian) satellite TV channels broadcasting in Arabic, and around the same number of radio stations," Qassab says.
"The (Iranian) publishing agencies in Arabic are doing their best in this field, the endowments, the reconstruction of Shiite shrines not only in Iraq, but in Syria and even in Jordan are examples," he says.
In Lebanon, the Shiite Hezbollah is backed by neighbouring Syria and by Iran. In the current tension in Beirut, Iran has been quick to support the Lebanese Shiites, and thus also to back Syria indirectly.
According to an analysis by the Middle East Media Research Institute, the state-run Iranian daily Kayhan, affiliated with Iranian supreme leader Ali Khamenei, is calling for a change in "the political balance of power in Lebanon in favour of the Shiites."
The Tehran Times has said that failure by the Lebanese government of Fouad Seniora to respond to the opposition's demands for a government of national unity with Shiites as the majority could lead to clashes.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
http://www.kurdmedia.com/articles.asp?id=13811
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237454.php/2006_Review_Irans_influence_in_Middle_East_to_rise_in_2007
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Tuesday December 19, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo - Iran's influence in the Middle East could rise in 2007, unless there is a radical turnaround in events, in the view of observers and analysts in the region.
Forces opposed to the United States - the Syrian government, Shiites in Iraq and in Lebanon - are forging alliances with the Shiite state, which is establishing its position as a power broker in the region.
Shortly before the year ended, Syrian President Bashar Assad told the Italian daily La Repubblica that Western states had to be willing to talk to Syria and Iran if they wanted to stabilize the situation in Iraq.
Syria, although overwhelmingly a Sunni state, has recently bolstered relations with Iraq through exchanging ambassadors after almost a quarter of a century of cool relations.
Iran has been keen to draw Syria in and invited both Iraqi and Syrian leaders to a summit on the violence in Iraq.
Baghdad has also been bolstering economic ties with Iran. Near the end of the year, Tehran and Baghdad signed 48 documents on bilateral cooperation and expanding ties in political, economic, security, defence and cultural areas.
Analysts say Iran has long wanted good relations between Tehran and Baghdad.
"The picture is now quite clear: there is an open Iranian endeavour to intimidate the region to attain multiple aims. Some are economic-geopolitical and some are religious," says Abdel-Wahab Qassab, Iraqi analyst and head of the Iraqi Dar Centre for Future Studies.
In Iraq, "foreign intervention" has been blamed for the sectarian violence verging on civil war, with fingers pointed at Iran. Some observers have even said that the "chaos" in Iraq serves Iranian interests.
But Iranian studies professor and Egyptian analyst Mohammad Said Abdel-Moneim does not believe that Iran would "permit" a civil war in Iraq.
"A civil war would endanger Iran and its borders as much as it would hurt Iraq," he says. "Iran cannot establish itself in Iraq unless there is relative calm and stability. Iraq has to be stable enough for Shiite and Iranian relations to be shored up and for Iran to benefit from these relations strategically and economically," Abdel-Moneim says.
He adds "Iran will not let the state of affairs turn into a civil war. It will definitely use its influence among the Iraqi Shiites and the Kurds to present wiser and more balanced elements to deal with the infighting factions."
Although Qassab also does not directly accuse Iran of "meddling" in Iraq, he does say that Iranian-backed militias are causing civil unrest there.
"Those encouraging the militias are foreign elements from Iran," Qassab says. "The Iranian militias are carrying out what could be called ethnic cleansing."
According to Qassab, Iranian control over Iraq is growing and is both a risk to the sovereignty of Iraq and to US global policy, even though its interests do not lie in fomenting civil war.
Nevertheless Iran could possibly benefit from unrest, as this further weakens US influence.
"The introduction of the foreign Sunni fighting element gave Iran a double chance in promoting its goals in Iraq," he says in reference to Syrian-backed militias in Iraq.
Iran aimed to control the activities of these foreign fighters through its influence over Syria, seen by the United States as the main covert supporter of these militias.
The Kurds meanwhile are strongly opposed to these Iranian efforts, "partly because there is an agenda agreed by the Kurdish and Shiite leaderships."
Iran has also used its intelligence services to gain control over Iraqi internal affairs and to increase its media presence there.
"There are at least 10 (Iranian) satellite TV channels broadcasting in Arabic, and around the same number of radio stations," Qassab says.
"The (Iranian) publishing agencies in Arabic are doing their best in this field, the endowments, the reconstruction of Shiite shrines not only in Iraq, but in Syria and even in Jordan are examples," he says.
In Lebanon, the Shiite Hezbollah is backed by neighbouring Syria and by Iran. In the current tension in Beirut, Iran has been quick to support the Lebanese Shiites, and thus also to back Syria indirectly.
According to an analysis by the Middle East Media Research Institute, the state-run Iranian daily Kayhan, affiliated with Iranian supreme leader Ali Khamenei, is calling for a change in "the political balance of power in Lebanon in favour of the Shiites."
The Tehran Times has said that failure by the Lebanese government of Fouad Seniora to respond to the opposition's demands for a government of national unity with Shiites as the majority could lead to clashes.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link:
http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Iran_s_influence_in_Middle_East_to__12192006.htmlhttp://www.kurdmedia.com/articles.asp?id=13811
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237454.php/2006_Review_Irans_influence_in_Middle_East_to_rise_in_2007
DPA: Three potential civil wars loom in Middle East
By Pakinam Amer
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Tuesday December 19, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo: The spectre of civil war in the Middle East loomed in three separate regions as the year drew to a close. In Iraq, Lebanon and the Palestinian Territories, central government faced a serious armed challenge to its authority.
During his last visit to the region, British Prime Minister Tony Blair acknowledged that the situation in the region was "difficult." In what was subsequently played down as a slip of the tongue he had previously called the situation in Iraq "a disaster."
Calls by Iraqi Premier Nuri-al-Maliki for reconciliation and the formation of a government of national unity were drowned out by gunfire and reports of the bodies found scattered around Baghdad.
After the meeting between US President George W Bush and al-Maliki held in Amman far from the fighting - members of parliament and ministers loyal to Shiite leader Moqtada al-Sadr boycotted the government.
"The political system in Iraq is pushing the country to the verge of civil war. It has slashed the society to pieces," said Abdel-Wahab Qassab, an Iraqi analyst. "What we have now is already a weaker form of civil war between Iraqi rivals."
Shiite and Sunni mosques were recently torched. Worshippers were dragged from prayers and burnt alive in one the worst of the sectarian attacks that US and Iraqi troops appear powerless to prevent.
In and around Baghdad, Iraqis have started securing their own neighbourhoods, with volunteers patrolling at night and roads sealed off with tree trunks.
Death squads have now become associated with groups in parliament.
The Iraqi resistance of the Sunni militias has become a significant power.
According to a classified US government report disclosed by the New York Times, Iraqi militias raise millions of dollars annually from kidnapping and oil smuggling.
The presence of US troops has contributed to the unrest, but their withdrawal could threaten even more chaos.
"If the Iraqi government can't stop sectarian killing today when it is able to call on the world's most powerful military, it can hardly be expected to do so when the Americans have left," says US political columnist Aparisim Ghosh in Time magazine.
The situation in Iraq has had an impact on domestic politics in the United States, with the Democrats securing wins in the mid-term elections and Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld paying the price.
In Lebanon, the same faces that fuelled the previous civil war can still be seen on both sides, even though new alliances are being forged.
Through December, opposition rallies led by Hezbollah and pro-Syrian opposition leaders continued, amid speculation the government now called labelled "illegitimate" by some - will be forced to compromise.
In central Beirut, thousands carrying flags, beating drums and wearing Hezbollah head-bands camped out near the government buildings.
A few metres away and separated only by security officers, soldiers, tanks and barbed wire, the members of the Lebanese government took shelter in Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's Ottoman-era palace.
Hezbollah seemed to be holding back from outright confrontation, although it had indicated it could paralyse public institutions, such as the airport, ports, and public administration.
In Lebanon, those who survived the last civil war started stockpiling food, securing to their homes and laying in candles for possible power cuts. Lebanese Sunni fundamentalists have said on websites that they are preparing for war.
In the Palestinian Territories, there were three sides to the violence.
Israeli officials warned that a new round of violence in the Gaza Strip appeared "unavoidable." In the Egyptian Gazette, Otneil Shneler, a legislator from Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's Kadima party, was quoted as saying that he believed the Palestinian-Israeli ceasefire to be "temporary."
Among the Palestinians themselves the division between Hamas and Fatah grew. Despite a fragile ceasefire, it was only a question of time before internal tensions resurfaced, observers said.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas announced early elections and issued a warning to the Hamas government. "They will not scare us," he said.
The struggle between Hamas and Fatah is a long-running one over power and territory. Hamas is more powerful in the Gaza Strip, while Fatah is more dominant in the West Bank.
Fatah has for decades seen itself as the natural leader of the Palestinians, while Hamas was boosted by its victory in parliamentary elections at the beginning of the year. That victory - a first for Hamas - brought isolation from the West.
"We're juggling with the strong potential of three civil wars in the region, whether it's the Palestinians, that of Lebanon or of Iraq," said Jordan's King Abdullah in an interview with ABC's This Week."
He was particularly pessimistic about the Palestinian Territories. "I don't believe that beyond mid-2007 - if we don't get the process going - there will be anything of a Palestine to talk about," Abdullah said.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Three_potential_civil_wars_loom_in__12192006.html
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237455.php/2006_Review_Three_potential_civil_wars_loom_in_Middle_East
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Tuesday December 19, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo: The spectre of civil war in the Middle East loomed in three separate regions as the year drew to a close. In Iraq, Lebanon and the Palestinian Territories, central government faced a serious armed challenge to its authority.
During his last visit to the region, British Prime Minister Tony Blair acknowledged that the situation in the region was "difficult." In what was subsequently played down as a slip of the tongue he had previously called the situation in Iraq "a disaster."
Calls by Iraqi Premier Nuri-al-Maliki for reconciliation and the formation of a government of national unity were drowned out by gunfire and reports of the bodies found scattered around Baghdad.
After the meeting between US President George W Bush and al-Maliki held in Amman far from the fighting - members of parliament and ministers loyal to Shiite leader Moqtada al-Sadr boycotted the government.
"The political system in Iraq is pushing the country to the verge of civil war. It has slashed the society to pieces," said Abdel-Wahab Qassab, an Iraqi analyst. "What we have now is already a weaker form of civil war between Iraqi rivals."
Shiite and Sunni mosques were recently torched. Worshippers were dragged from prayers and burnt alive in one the worst of the sectarian attacks that US and Iraqi troops appear powerless to prevent.
In and around Baghdad, Iraqis have started securing their own neighbourhoods, with volunteers patrolling at night and roads sealed off with tree trunks.
Death squads have now become associated with groups in parliament.
The Iraqi resistance of the Sunni militias has become a significant power.
According to a classified US government report disclosed by the New York Times, Iraqi militias raise millions of dollars annually from kidnapping and oil smuggling.
The presence of US troops has contributed to the unrest, but their withdrawal could threaten even more chaos.
"If the Iraqi government can't stop sectarian killing today when it is able to call on the world's most powerful military, it can hardly be expected to do so when the Americans have left," says US political columnist Aparisim Ghosh in Time magazine.
The situation in Iraq has had an impact on domestic politics in the United States, with the Democrats securing wins in the mid-term elections and Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld paying the price.
In Lebanon, the same faces that fuelled the previous civil war can still be seen on both sides, even though new alliances are being forged.
Through December, opposition rallies led by Hezbollah and pro-Syrian opposition leaders continued, amid speculation the government now called labelled "illegitimate" by some - will be forced to compromise.
In central Beirut, thousands carrying flags, beating drums and wearing Hezbollah head-bands camped out near the government buildings.
A few metres away and separated only by security officers, soldiers, tanks and barbed wire, the members of the Lebanese government took shelter in Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's Ottoman-era palace.
Hezbollah seemed to be holding back from outright confrontation, although it had indicated it could paralyse public institutions, such as the airport, ports, and public administration.
In Lebanon, those who survived the last civil war started stockpiling food, securing to their homes and laying in candles for possible power cuts. Lebanese Sunni fundamentalists have said on websites that they are preparing for war.
In the Palestinian Territories, there were three sides to the violence.
Israeli officials warned that a new round of violence in the Gaza Strip appeared "unavoidable." In the Egyptian Gazette, Otneil Shneler, a legislator from Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's Kadima party, was quoted as saying that he believed the Palestinian-Israeli ceasefire to be "temporary."
Among the Palestinians themselves the division between Hamas and Fatah grew. Despite a fragile ceasefire, it was only a question of time before internal tensions resurfaced, observers said.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas announced early elections and issued a warning to the Hamas government. "They will not scare us," he said.
The struggle between Hamas and Fatah is a long-running one over power and territory. Hamas is more powerful in the Gaza Strip, while Fatah is more dominant in the West Bank.
Fatah has for decades seen itself as the natural leader of the Palestinians, while Hamas was boosted by its victory in parliamentary elections at the beginning of the year. That victory - a first for Hamas - brought isolation from the West.
"We're juggling with the strong potential of three civil wars in the region, whether it's the Palestinians, that of Lebanon or of Iraq," said Jordan's King Abdullah in an interview with ABC's This Week."
He was particularly pessimistic about the Palestinian Territories. "I don't believe that beyond mid-2007 - if we don't get the process going - there will be anything of a Palestine to talk about," Abdullah said.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Three_potential_civil_wars_loom_in__12192006.html
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237455.php/2006_Review_Three_potential_civil_wars_loom_in_Middle_East
Saturday, December 16, 2006
DPA: Parents of arrested students plead for their release
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 16, 2006, 17:52 GMT
Cairo - Following a wide-scale clampdown on Muslim Brotherhood students, parents of the students gathered at Cairo's bar association Saturday to plead with security officials for the release of their children.
Some stricken parents came from towns and villages outside of Cairo in support for their sons' cause, saying that they should be released immediately as the school term is coming to an end, and final exams are underway.
Last Tuesday, at least 13 Muslim Brotherhood senior leaders and 140 Brotherhood-affiliated students were arrested by Egyptian authorities.
On Saturday, 109 of the students had their custody renewed for 15 more days, under the charges of belonging to a banned group and forming 'a militant faction.'
According to police sources, 'the students were arrested while plotting a new move (against the government).'
The Muslim Brotherhood is a popular opposition group that uses the slogan 'Islam is the Solution' to gain the support of the conservative grassroots.
The group has strong representation in parliament.
Some of the students were arrested in pre-dawn raids, with quite a few being woken up by dozens of strident security policemen and dragged from their homes and hostel rooms.
School books and personal computers were even confiscated.
The Safa Hostel in Egypt's Nasr City district remains cordoned off by security police. Regular resident students reported having difficulty gaining access and some spent the night on the streets, witnesses said.
Senior leaders arrested were Khayrat el-Shater, the second deputy to the Muslim Brotherhood's supreme guide, and his brother-in-law, the coordinator of Muslim Brotherhood university students.
El-Shater was accused of being the director and financer of the 'militant' group of students.
The raid came in the wake of a rampant two-months-long conflict across Egyptian universities between Muslim Brotherhood students on the one side and security police and the university's administration on the other.
The Islamist students were reportedly banned from regular student union elections, prompting them to run their own 'free union' elections - with on-campus voting and ceremonies.
The act provoked security authorities, who tend to keep a close eye on university internal affairs. They pressured university deans in taking 'appropriate action,' which included dismissing some students on a temporary basis.
The dismissal of five Azhar University students, less than two weeks ago, made the situation more tense. This was said to have pushed the Muslim Brotherhood students into a protest, described by some observers as 'threatening' and 'disturbing.'
During the protest, the students gathered in front of the dean's office with their faces covered or wearing headbands labelled 'we're standing.'
The students were dressed in black and standing in military formation. They were unarmed, however. A dozen of the students proceeded to display their fighting skills in a militaristic manner, to the cheers of their colleagues.
This behaviour has caused outrage and shock. Newspapers, quoting security sources, labelled the group of students the 'Azhar militias.'
The Azhar university is an Islamic educational facility, which is however independent of the Azhar religious institution, a key authority on Sunni Islam in the Arab world.
Brotherhood leaders, among others, were the first to denounce the acts, denying any responsibility and pressing the students to issue a formal apology.
'We are deeply sorry for the negative portrayal that we gave of the Muslim Brotherhood,' read the first line of the apology. 'We are just students. We are not militias.'
A student told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa Saturday that it was 'merely an act of protest, a parade meant to catch attention.'
A Muslim Brotherhood student, who requested anonymity, said that 'it was an impulsive act, but only a reaction to the repressive measures imposed upon us. But it has caused troubles and raised accusations against the Muslim Brotherhood and for this we apologize.'
The Muslim Brotherhood has been accused in many newspapers of owning camps for training the Brotherhood's younger elements for combat, with the Azhar university incident being cited as 'proof.'
Some newspapers painted pictures of how the brotherhood's 'true face was revealed' and have portrayed the non-militant group as a 'cloaked terror network.'
'I do not understand what is happening,' said a 20-year-old Salah, who refused to disclose his last name in fear of arrest. Salah is the head of the Muslim Brotherhood students public relations office.
Salah described the media coverage of the incident as 'overblown' and said that the security police reaction to their 'parade' was 'exaggerated' and 'surprisingly fast.'
'The security police has been sleeping on other issues - sexual harassment of men in custody, corruption, transportation disasters. But when it comes to the brotherhood, they're suddenly alert and active,' he said.
The Muslim Brotherhood's 'guidance office' issued a heated statement against the student arrests saying that the security police had a 'pre-intention' of jailing the students and had just been waiting waited for a good opportunity.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1233884.php/Parents_of_arrested_students_plead_for_their_release
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By Pakinam Amer
Dec 16, 2006, 17:52 GMT
Cairo - Following a wide-scale clampdown on Muslim Brotherhood students, parents of the students gathered at Cairo's bar association Saturday to plead with security officials for the release of their children.
Some stricken parents came from towns and villages outside of Cairo in support for their sons' cause, saying that they should be released immediately as the school term is coming to an end, and final exams are underway.
Last Tuesday, at least 13 Muslim Brotherhood senior leaders and 140 Brotherhood-affiliated students were arrested by Egyptian authorities.
On Saturday, 109 of the students had their custody renewed for 15 more days, under the charges of belonging to a banned group and forming 'a militant faction.'
According to police sources, 'the students were arrested while plotting a new move (against the government).'
The Muslim Brotherhood is a popular opposition group that uses the slogan 'Islam is the Solution' to gain the support of the conservative grassroots.
The group has strong representation in parliament.
Some of the students were arrested in pre-dawn raids, with quite a few being woken up by dozens of strident security policemen and dragged from their homes and hostel rooms.
School books and personal computers were even confiscated.
The Safa Hostel in Egypt's Nasr City district remains cordoned off by security police. Regular resident students reported having difficulty gaining access and some spent the night on the streets, witnesses said.
Senior leaders arrested were Khayrat el-Shater, the second deputy to the Muslim Brotherhood's supreme guide, and his brother-in-law, the coordinator of Muslim Brotherhood university students.
El-Shater was accused of being the director and financer of the 'militant' group of students.
The raid came in the wake of a rampant two-months-long conflict across Egyptian universities between Muslim Brotherhood students on the one side and security police and the university's administration on the other.
The Islamist students were reportedly banned from regular student union elections, prompting them to run their own 'free union' elections - with on-campus voting and ceremonies.
The act provoked security authorities, who tend to keep a close eye on university internal affairs. They pressured university deans in taking 'appropriate action,' which included dismissing some students on a temporary basis.
The dismissal of five Azhar University students, less than two weeks ago, made the situation more tense. This was said to have pushed the Muslim Brotherhood students into a protest, described by some observers as 'threatening' and 'disturbing.'
During the protest, the students gathered in front of the dean's office with their faces covered or wearing headbands labelled 'we're standing.'
The students were dressed in black and standing in military formation. They were unarmed, however. A dozen of the students proceeded to display their fighting skills in a militaristic manner, to the cheers of their colleagues.
This behaviour has caused outrage and shock. Newspapers, quoting security sources, labelled the group of students the 'Azhar militias.'
The Azhar university is an Islamic educational facility, which is however independent of the Azhar religious institution, a key authority on Sunni Islam in the Arab world.
Brotherhood leaders, among others, were the first to denounce the acts, denying any responsibility and pressing the students to issue a formal apology.
'We are deeply sorry for the negative portrayal that we gave of the Muslim Brotherhood,' read the first line of the apology. 'We are just students. We are not militias.'
A student told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa Saturday that it was 'merely an act of protest, a parade meant to catch attention.'
A Muslim Brotherhood student, who requested anonymity, said that 'it was an impulsive act, but only a reaction to the repressive measures imposed upon us. But it has caused troubles and raised accusations against the Muslim Brotherhood and for this we apologize.'
The Muslim Brotherhood has been accused in many newspapers of owning camps for training the Brotherhood's younger elements for combat, with the Azhar university incident being cited as 'proof.'
Some newspapers painted pictures of how the brotherhood's 'true face was revealed' and have portrayed the non-militant group as a 'cloaked terror network.'
'I do not understand what is happening,' said a 20-year-old Salah, who refused to disclose his last name in fear of arrest. Salah is the head of the Muslim Brotherhood students public relations office.
Salah described the media coverage of the incident as 'overblown' and said that the security police reaction to their 'parade' was 'exaggerated' and 'surprisingly fast.'
'The security police has been sleeping on other issues - sexual harassment of men in custody, corruption, transportation disasters. But when it comes to the brotherhood, they're suddenly alert and active,' he said.
The Muslim Brotherhood's 'guidance office' issued a heated statement against the student arrests saying that the security police had a 'pre-intention' of jailing the students and had just been waiting waited for a good opportunity.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
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DPA: Egyptian opposition in turmoil amid moves to democracy
By Pakinam Amer
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Saturday December 16, 2006
Cairo- Political reform in Egypt, although slow, has over the past year exposed serious flaws in opposition parties calling for greater democracy and freedom of speech. Observers noted that it was not just President Hosny Mubarak's ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) that placed obstacles in the way of what has been termed the "holy quest for democracy."
A few months before the year ended, the main opposition movement, the al-Wafd, showed how divided it was during a power struggle that was broadcast live.
Accusations, and even bullets, flew through the air as the party's heavyweights fought shamelessly for leadership.
The party headquarters was almost burnt down in the process, and al-Wafd members were injured.
The Al-Karama (Dignity) political group, a rising opposition force, damaged itself by publishing a controversial supplement to its newspaper that saluted Libyan leader Moamer Gaddafi. To many in Egypt, Gaddafi is a dictator at the head of an authoritarian regime whose violations of human rights and international law are well documented.
But the supplement focused on his "accomplishments and legacy" under the headline "Thirty-seven years of achievements."
Critics noted an apparent contradiction between Gaddafi's authoritarian image and al-Karama's support for human rights and freedom of expression, and denouncing of oppressive regimes.
Hamdein Sabahi, the softly-spoken founder of al-Karama and member of the lower house of parliament, defended his party. "Strictly commercial" considerations were behind publication of the supplement, he said.
He rejected accusations of hypocrisy and double-standards.
Al-Karama regards itself as a continuing the ideas of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Egyptian president who nationalized the Suez Canal in 1956 and was president during the 1967 Six-Day War against Israel.
Although the movement has developed a clear opposition presence, applications to become a legitimate party have been rejected by the Political Parties Court several times.
During one of the applications, Sabahi said the "repressive" NDP was behind the rejection of the applications.
But the Gaddafi affair has led to a loss of support.
Analysts have seen a link between the troubles of al-Wafd and al-Karama, saying that opposition groups have failed to present a model of democracy and commitment to their cause.
The troubles are not limited to these two movements, however. Thuggery, name-calling and lack of political transparency is common within other opposition groups.
Analysts note that calls by many political parties for greater democracy are contradicted by the behaviour of the party leaderships.
The Muslim Brotherhood, a non-militant group that has a slogan "Islam is the Solution," has succeeded in attracting many grassroots supporters who regard democracy almost as a new religion.
The movement keenly polishes its image, but it is at least questionable whether it upholds democratic principles internally.
Like many other rising opposition groups, the Muslim Brotherhood, which pledges social, economic, and political reform, has thus far failed to present an integrated and detailed reform programme.
Newspapers report internal disputes and unequal opportunity for members as preparations for internal elections get underway.
Information from the secretive Muslim Brotherhood about its plans and elections is scarce. Women are reportedly restricted to charity and development activities.
Their representation in politics is limited to a few faces that appeared during last year's parliamentary elections and then quickly disappeared.
A former Brotherhood member has spoken of how opposing views are booed and how the 80-year-olds are controlling internal affairs.
Even a seemingly close-knit group like the Kifaya (Enough) seems to be plagued by a similar disease.
Kifaya, a movement that was formed to combat corruption and NDP hegemony over politics, has always prided itself on being inclusive.
Intolerance is now driving young members to form their own independent offshoots, while others abandon the movement altogether.
In December, seven senior Kifaya members announced their split from the group, issuing a statement that the group suffered from "stagnation," and had not adopted a clear strategy.
Analysts suggest "real democracy" may be difficult to achieve for a country in transition, especially when corruption and prejudice are rampant in mainstream politics.
State repression may have contributed to this. Other say stagnation is inevitable, as political parties have been dormant for decades.
Observers nevertheless fear that if those who call themselves "revolutionaries" or "the resistance front" fail to practice what they preach, their supporters could lose faith and the status quo could manage to hang on to power.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Egyptian_opposition_in_turmoil_amid_12162006.html
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Saturday December 16, 2006
Cairo- Political reform in Egypt, although slow, has over the past year exposed serious flaws in opposition parties calling for greater democracy and freedom of speech. Observers noted that it was not just President Hosny Mubarak's ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) that placed obstacles in the way of what has been termed the "holy quest for democracy."
A few months before the year ended, the main opposition movement, the al-Wafd, showed how divided it was during a power struggle that was broadcast live.
Accusations, and even bullets, flew through the air as the party's heavyweights fought shamelessly for leadership.
The party headquarters was almost burnt down in the process, and al-Wafd members were injured.
The Al-Karama (Dignity) political group, a rising opposition force, damaged itself by publishing a controversial supplement to its newspaper that saluted Libyan leader Moamer Gaddafi. To many in Egypt, Gaddafi is a dictator at the head of an authoritarian regime whose violations of human rights and international law are well documented.
But the supplement focused on his "accomplishments and legacy" under the headline "Thirty-seven years of achievements."
Critics noted an apparent contradiction between Gaddafi's authoritarian image and al-Karama's support for human rights and freedom of expression, and denouncing of oppressive regimes.
Hamdein Sabahi, the softly-spoken founder of al-Karama and member of the lower house of parliament, defended his party. "Strictly commercial" considerations were behind publication of the supplement, he said.
He rejected accusations of hypocrisy and double-standards.
Al-Karama regards itself as a continuing the ideas of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Egyptian president who nationalized the Suez Canal in 1956 and was president during the 1967 Six-Day War against Israel.
Although the movement has developed a clear opposition presence, applications to become a legitimate party have been rejected by the Political Parties Court several times.
During one of the applications, Sabahi said the "repressive" NDP was behind the rejection of the applications.
But the Gaddafi affair has led to a loss of support.
Analysts have seen a link between the troubles of al-Wafd and al-Karama, saying that opposition groups have failed to present a model of democracy and commitment to their cause.
The troubles are not limited to these two movements, however. Thuggery, name-calling and lack of political transparency is common within other opposition groups.
Analysts note that calls by many political parties for greater democracy are contradicted by the behaviour of the party leaderships.
The Muslim Brotherhood, a non-militant group that has a slogan "Islam is the Solution," has succeeded in attracting many grassroots supporters who regard democracy almost as a new religion.
The movement keenly polishes its image, but it is at least questionable whether it upholds democratic principles internally.
Like many other rising opposition groups, the Muslim Brotherhood, which pledges social, economic, and political reform, has thus far failed to present an integrated and detailed reform programme.
Newspapers report internal disputes and unequal opportunity for members as preparations for internal elections get underway.
Information from the secretive Muslim Brotherhood about its plans and elections is scarce. Women are reportedly restricted to charity and development activities.
Their representation in politics is limited to a few faces that appeared during last year's parliamentary elections and then quickly disappeared.
A former Brotherhood member has spoken of how opposing views are booed and how the 80-year-olds are controlling internal affairs.
Even a seemingly close-knit group like the Kifaya (Enough) seems to be plagued by a similar disease.
Kifaya, a movement that was formed to combat corruption and NDP hegemony over politics, has always prided itself on being inclusive.
Intolerance is now driving young members to form their own independent offshoots, while others abandon the movement altogether.
In December, seven senior Kifaya members announced their split from the group, issuing a statement that the group suffered from "stagnation," and had not adopted a clear strategy.
Analysts suggest "real democracy" may be difficult to achieve for a country in transition, especially when corruption and prejudice are rampant in mainstream politics.
State repression may have contributed to this. Other say stagnation is inevitable, as political parties have been dormant for decades.
Observers nevertheless fear that if those who call themselves "revolutionaries" or "the resistance front" fail to practice what they preach, their supporters could lose faith and the status quo could manage to hang on to power.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Egyptian_opposition_in_turmoil_amid_12162006.html
DPA: Political reform falters in Egypt
By PAKINAM AMER
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Thursday December 14, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo- Prospects for constitutional reform remain "bleak" in the view of Egypt's fragmented opposition, who continue to accuse the governing National Democratic Party (NDP) of operating a "police state."
Despite promises of reform and constitutional amendments put forward by the NDP, the coming year promises to be complicated and troublesome, according to opposition leaders and political analysts.
The domestic political situation was in turmoil as President Hosny Mubarak embarked on a European tour, following shortly on his Euro-Asian one, with analysts describing the political opposition as being "as helpless as ever."
As the year drew to an end, Mubarak told parliament he would stay in power so long as his "heart beats in his chest," sending shockwaves through the opposition who discounted pledges of political reform as "a scam."
Mubarak made clear the constitution would not be subject toconstant change, apparently ruling out amendments put forward afterfierce debate by opposition members of parliament pushing the demandsof their respective parties.
MP Hamdi Hassan, a spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood bloc, predicted its recommended amendments would be discarded.
"We did our part, but the results of our efforts are not in our hands so we should not be made to account for the results, only for the effort we made," Hassan said in apparent surrender to the NDP majority.
"Our failure to bring about change is a failure of the majority NDP itself," he said.
The content of the promised constitutional amendments remains vague, as the NDP has declined to disclose its plans.
"This is unnatural, inconsistent, and wrong - the fact that we are not exposed to the nature of the amendments. This never happens in any European country," Hassan said.
"For some reason the details of the upcoming constitutional changes remain secret and only the NDP knows their specifics. This is utter manipulation. But then again, eliminating others has always been the philosophy of this regime," he added.
Over recent months, the opposition has grown in size but not in influence.
Gamal Mubarak, NDP deputy head and son of the president, has staked out his claim to succeed his father, becoming the public face of the party over recent years.
At the last major NDP meeting, it was the younger Mubarak who laid out the party's long-term roadmap, leading to increased fears among the opposition that he might be imposed as the next president.
In a further indication of his central role, Gamal Mubarak was the man chosen to announce the country's nuclear energy programme, a flagship project for the NDP that was quickly approved by the United States.
Those fears were enhanced by infighting within the main oppositional-Wafd, one of Egypt's oldest parties, that degenerated into open violence.
Other political parties are still struggling to achieve legitimacy and to carve out a space in the political arena, leaving the field open to the NDP, even though the constitution now allows multi-party elections.
The government has also refused to release either Ayman Nour, an opposition leader jailed for fraud, or the controversial and popular former MP, Talaat el-Sadat, who was jailed for insulting the army by a military court.
The opposition continues to demand a more liberal political climate, in which forces like the Kifaya (Enough) movement, the socialist al-Karama, the Muslim Brotherhood and parties like Nour's al-Ghad would have a say.
Factors contributing to the rising political temperature include the prospect of a new session of parliament, the upcoming local elections, in which the Muslim Brotherhood aims to score success, and the promised further amendment of Article 76 of the constitution which regulates multi-party elections.
Apparent support from the US for the NDP's "young reformers," as President George W Bush called them recently, has left opposition leaders feeling isolated in calling for increased democratization.
Initial US support for Nour also appears to have dimmed. Nevetherless, sociologist Saad Eddin Ibrahim has said that the US State Department has asked him to put forward the names of those that could succeed Mubarak - such as former NDP member Osama el-Ghazali Harb and Premier Ahmed Nazif."
The US support for Ayman or democracy in general was never genuine," Nagi al-Ghatrify, the current head of Nour's al-Ghad party, said.
"It was short-term; and it was linked to certain endeavours thatonly the Americans know."
Observers believe that the experience with the Palestinian Hamas movement has prompted US support for the NDP, for fear the Muslim Brotherhood could take over.
"One could say that the Muslim Brotherhood has stifled both political reform and the US support, just by being there," al-Ghatrify said.
© 2006 - dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Political_reform_falters_in_Egypt_B_12142006.html
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Thursday December 14, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo- Prospects for constitutional reform remain "bleak" in the view of Egypt's fragmented opposition, who continue to accuse the governing National Democratic Party (NDP) of operating a "police state."
Despite promises of reform and constitutional amendments put forward by the NDP, the coming year promises to be complicated and troublesome, according to opposition leaders and political analysts.
The domestic political situation was in turmoil as President Hosny Mubarak embarked on a European tour, following shortly on his Euro-Asian one, with analysts describing the political opposition as being "as helpless as ever."
As the year drew to an end, Mubarak told parliament he would stay in power so long as his "heart beats in his chest," sending shockwaves through the opposition who discounted pledges of political reform as "a scam."
Mubarak made clear the constitution would not be subject toconstant change, apparently ruling out amendments put forward afterfierce debate by opposition members of parliament pushing the demandsof their respective parties.
MP Hamdi Hassan, a spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood bloc, predicted its recommended amendments would be discarded.
"We did our part, but the results of our efforts are not in our hands so we should not be made to account for the results, only for the effort we made," Hassan said in apparent surrender to the NDP majority.
"Our failure to bring about change is a failure of the majority NDP itself," he said.
The content of the promised constitutional amendments remains vague, as the NDP has declined to disclose its plans.
"This is unnatural, inconsistent, and wrong - the fact that we are not exposed to the nature of the amendments. This never happens in any European country," Hassan said.
"For some reason the details of the upcoming constitutional changes remain secret and only the NDP knows their specifics. This is utter manipulation. But then again, eliminating others has always been the philosophy of this regime," he added.
Over recent months, the opposition has grown in size but not in influence.
Gamal Mubarak, NDP deputy head and son of the president, has staked out his claim to succeed his father, becoming the public face of the party over recent years.
At the last major NDP meeting, it was the younger Mubarak who laid out the party's long-term roadmap, leading to increased fears among the opposition that he might be imposed as the next president.
In a further indication of his central role, Gamal Mubarak was the man chosen to announce the country's nuclear energy programme, a flagship project for the NDP that was quickly approved by the United States.
Those fears were enhanced by infighting within the main oppositional-Wafd, one of Egypt's oldest parties, that degenerated into open violence.
Other political parties are still struggling to achieve legitimacy and to carve out a space in the political arena, leaving the field open to the NDP, even though the constitution now allows multi-party elections.
The government has also refused to release either Ayman Nour, an opposition leader jailed for fraud, or the controversial and popular former MP, Talaat el-Sadat, who was jailed for insulting the army by a military court.
The opposition continues to demand a more liberal political climate, in which forces like the Kifaya (Enough) movement, the socialist al-Karama, the Muslim Brotherhood and parties like Nour's al-Ghad would have a say.
Factors contributing to the rising political temperature include the prospect of a new session of parliament, the upcoming local elections, in which the Muslim Brotherhood aims to score success, and the promised further amendment of Article 76 of the constitution which regulates multi-party elections.
Apparent support from the US for the NDP's "young reformers," as President George W Bush called them recently, has left opposition leaders feeling isolated in calling for increased democratization.
Initial US support for Nour also appears to have dimmed. Nevetherless, sociologist Saad Eddin Ibrahim has said that the US State Department has asked him to put forward the names of those that could succeed Mubarak - such as former NDP member Osama el-Ghazali Harb and Premier Ahmed Nazif."
The US support for Ayman or democracy in general was never genuine," Nagi al-Ghatrify, the current head of Nour's al-Ghad party, said.
"It was short-term; and it was linked to certain endeavours thatonly the Americans know."
Observers believe that the experience with the Palestinian Hamas movement has prompted US support for the NDP, for fear the Muslim Brotherhood could take over.
"One could say that the Muslim Brotherhood has stifled both political reform and the US support, just by being there," al-Ghatrify said.
© 2006 - dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Political_reform_falters_in_Egypt_B_12142006.html
Tuesday, December 05, 2006
WPW: In Cairo, Police Crack Down on Growing Protests Against Sexual Harassment
Pakinam Amer Bio 05 Dec 2006
World Politics Watch Exclusive
CAIRO, Egypt -- During the latest protest against sexual harassment here last month, women were once again the victims of harassment. This time, however, the assaulters were none other than Egypt's security policemen.
At a Nov. 15 protest, female protesters were stalked, groped, shoved and pushed around. In one case, a woman in flowing black robes and a colorful bright scarf was held by the arm, dragged over a flight of stairs and shaken by her veil as bystanders and a fellow male protestor were hurled back.
The humiliated young woman -- in her early twenties -- was not the only one who was manhandled.
"I came to protest injustice against women and I myself was disgraced," said a human rights activist who was present during the rowdy picket.
This and similar protests have followed reports of a series of on-the-street harassment incidents directed at females during Muslim Eid al-Fitr celebrations in downtown Cairo. The demonstrators, most of them women, were protesting against what they deemed the "blatant" and "widespread" phenomenon of on-the-street sexual harassment.
At the end of October, in the wake of the holy month of Ramadan -- when Muslim worshippers fast and observe acts of piety -- women and girls who took to the streets in celebration of the end of the fasting month were touched in sensitive areas, groped and had their clothes torn and their veils pulled off their heads in one busy downtown area.
What fueled protests in the weeks that followed was that the presence of security police and local policemen during the Eid incidents did not prevent dozens of men from encircling women -- in groups of two and three -- and taking turns groping and touching them as the women screamed and kicked back.
The accounts of the Eid harassment filled Cairo blogs and circulated by email before public and private TV channels started reporting it."
The cowardly officer is standing helpless, while Egyptian women are humiliated," a middle-aged Egyptian woman shouted in anger as she stood by the Cairo journalists syndicate to protest last month.
The enraged woman, a mother of two police officers herself, had publicly called upon her sons to resign in protest, condemning a system that reportedly failed to protect women.
The uncovering of such an incident has indeed sparked a wave of shock among many Egyptians -- but not among many women, who say that incidents of harassment, both fleeting and long-lasting, are the norm on Cairo streets, and in taxis, public buses and shopping malls.
The harassment is usually fleeting -- a man touching a woman and quickly moving away, or a man masturbating on the street while catcalling or hissing at a passing woman -- but the effects on the victims, some women say, can be devastating.
Women wearing head scarves, even fully veiled women with only their eyes showing through a small opening in a see-through face veil, or munaqabat, are targeted as much as unveiled women who wear their hair long and dress in tight pants or short sleeves. The unspoken reality is: If you are a woman in Cairo, then you will likely experience some type of harassment by a man.
Women first shared their stories of harassment on Internet forums and public blogs, and long-suppressed hurt and humiliation finally surfaced as the women voiced their anger in public last month.
The Eid harassment incident has provoked a storm of negative reactions in Cairo, where women are still sometimes blamed for dressing "provocatively," and thereby provoking harassment from men.
However, in the end, the incident has successfully uncovered a growing and disturbing attitude of violence against women.
Some of Egypt's outspoken youth were responsible for taking the debate to the street.
A group of young Egyptians, an offshoot of Egypt's Kifaya (Enough) movement and other "resistance" factions, formed a movement called "The Street is Ours," whose main goal is to fight harassment of women in all its forms.
The group is now gaining supporters by the day, and Web sites are being dedicated solely to their cause.
The groups says the Eid incident is reminiscent of an incident that occurred in May 2005, a few months before last year's presidential elections, when female journalists and activists were beaten and sexually harassed in public.
And in their last protest, the women of "The Street is Ours" faced the same kind of harassment that they had gathered to strike against. The streets in which some of the female activists chose to rage were both their last solace and their enemy.
Nadia Mabrouk, a Kifaya member and a leading protestor, was aggressively taken to a police truck and was forced to spend the night in custody; the main charge was "creating chaos." In other words, she was arrested for protesting, an act banned by the Egyptian constitution in the absence of a security permit.
Ironically, Mabrouk was targeted on the same downtown street, by the Metro cinema, where the first acts of Eid harassment were reported.
Reuters stringer Abdel-Nasser el-Nouri was beaten by plain-clothed security "thugs" (his own term) when he attempted to take pictures of Mabrouk as she was being violently pushed around."
They dragged me to one of their cars and drove to the end of the street," el-Nouri said. "They let me go, but warned me against going back to take pictures."
When el-Nouri was replacing the batteries of his digital camera, the security personnel snatched them away from his hands and shattered them, mistaking the batteries for film.
Pictures taken of security men manhandling women usually end up on opposition papers' front pages -- a notion which scares the police, said el-Nouri.
"Well, pictures bring them trouble. It creates a crisis for them -- it embarrasses them in front of the world and in front of their superiors, especially when it is pictures of women being beaten."
Wael Abbas, another eyewitness and the blogger who first blew the whistle on the Eid harassment, described how female protestors were cornered by members of riot police.
"More than one girl was held in the police trucks," he said. "They foiled the protest. The activists tried to move to [the nearby] press syndicate to continue protesting but they were pushed back.
"The only protection the women had was their fellow protestors, and they were at times helpless against hundreds of heavily armored riot police who converged on the demonstration scene by the truckload.
At one point during the protest, the activists were pushed into a diner and were locked inside by riot police -- as the restaurant customers watched with mouths agape.
The main entrance of the restaurant was cordoned off, special security forces dressed in black stood in a line by the restaurant. Pedestrians were told to change routes.
Apparently shaken by what she saw through the restaurants wide glass windows, a female diner spoke to a local English-language newspaper.
"Look at what they are doing to the women!" the diner told a reporter for Egypt's Daily Star as the police cracked down on the young protestors before her eyes.
Pakinam Amer is a Cairo-based journalist and writer.
Link: http://www.worldpoliticswatch.com/article.aspx?id=386
World Politics Watch Exclusive
CAIRO, Egypt -- During the latest protest against sexual harassment here last month, women were once again the victims of harassment. This time, however, the assaulters were none other than Egypt's security policemen.
At a Nov. 15 protest, female protesters were stalked, groped, shoved and pushed around. In one case, a woman in flowing black robes and a colorful bright scarf was held by the arm, dragged over a flight of stairs and shaken by her veil as bystanders and a fellow male protestor were hurled back.
The humiliated young woman -- in her early twenties -- was not the only one who was manhandled.
"I came to protest injustice against women and I myself was disgraced," said a human rights activist who was present during the rowdy picket.
This and similar protests have followed reports of a series of on-the-street harassment incidents directed at females during Muslim Eid al-Fitr celebrations in downtown Cairo. The demonstrators, most of them women, were protesting against what they deemed the "blatant" and "widespread" phenomenon of on-the-street sexual harassment.
At the end of October, in the wake of the holy month of Ramadan -- when Muslim worshippers fast and observe acts of piety -- women and girls who took to the streets in celebration of the end of the fasting month were touched in sensitive areas, groped and had their clothes torn and their veils pulled off their heads in one busy downtown area.
What fueled protests in the weeks that followed was that the presence of security police and local policemen during the Eid incidents did not prevent dozens of men from encircling women -- in groups of two and three -- and taking turns groping and touching them as the women screamed and kicked back.
The accounts of the Eid harassment filled Cairo blogs and circulated by email before public and private TV channels started reporting it."
The cowardly officer is standing helpless, while Egyptian women are humiliated," a middle-aged Egyptian woman shouted in anger as she stood by the Cairo journalists syndicate to protest last month.
The enraged woman, a mother of two police officers herself, had publicly called upon her sons to resign in protest, condemning a system that reportedly failed to protect women.
The uncovering of such an incident has indeed sparked a wave of shock among many Egyptians -- but not among many women, who say that incidents of harassment, both fleeting and long-lasting, are the norm on Cairo streets, and in taxis, public buses and shopping malls.
The harassment is usually fleeting -- a man touching a woman and quickly moving away, or a man masturbating on the street while catcalling or hissing at a passing woman -- but the effects on the victims, some women say, can be devastating.
Women wearing head scarves, even fully veiled women with only their eyes showing through a small opening in a see-through face veil, or munaqabat, are targeted as much as unveiled women who wear their hair long and dress in tight pants or short sleeves. The unspoken reality is: If you are a woman in Cairo, then you will likely experience some type of harassment by a man.
Women first shared their stories of harassment on Internet forums and public blogs, and long-suppressed hurt and humiliation finally surfaced as the women voiced their anger in public last month.
The Eid harassment incident has provoked a storm of negative reactions in Cairo, where women are still sometimes blamed for dressing "provocatively," and thereby provoking harassment from men.
However, in the end, the incident has successfully uncovered a growing and disturbing attitude of violence against women.
Some of Egypt's outspoken youth were responsible for taking the debate to the street.
A group of young Egyptians, an offshoot of Egypt's Kifaya (Enough) movement and other "resistance" factions, formed a movement called "The Street is Ours," whose main goal is to fight harassment of women in all its forms.
The group is now gaining supporters by the day, and Web sites are being dedicated solely to their cause.
The groups says the Eid incident is reminiscent of an incident that occurred in May 2005, a few months before last year's presidential elections, when female journalists and activists were beaten and sexually harassed in public.
And in their last protest, the women of "The Street is Ours" faced the same kind of harassment that they had gathered to strike against. The streets in which some of the female activists chose to rage were both their last solace and their enemy.
Nadia Mabrouk, a Kifaya member and a leading protestor, was aggressively taken to a police truck and was forced to spend the night in custody; the main charge was "creating chaos." In other words, she was arrested for protesting, an act banned by the Egyptian constitution in the absence of a security permit.
Ironically, Mabrouk was targeted on the same downtown street, by the Metro cinema, where the first acts of Eid harassment were reported.
Reuters stringer Abdel-Nasser el-Nouri was beaten by plain-clothed security "thugs" (his own term) when he attempted to take pictures of Mabrouk as she was being violently pushed around."
They dragged me to one of their cars and drove to the end of the street," el-Nouri said. "They let me go, but warned me against going back to take pictures."
When el-Nouri was replacing the batteries of his digital camera, the security personnel snatched them away from his hands and shattered them, mistaking the batteries for film.
Pictures taken of security men manhandling women usually end up on opposition papers' front pages -- a notion which scares the police, said el-Nouri.
"Well, pictures bring them trouble. It creates a crisis for them -- it embarrasses them in front of the world and in front of their superiors, especially when it is pictures of women being beaten."
Wael Abbas, another eyewitness and the blogger who first blew the whistle on the Eid harassment, described how female protestors were cornered by members of riot police.
"More than one girl was held in the police trucks," he said. "They foiled the protest. The activists tried to move to [the nearby] press syndicate to continue protesting but they were pushed back.
"The only protection the women had was their fellow protestors, and they were at times helpless against hundreds of heavily armored riot police who converged on the demonstration scene by the truckload.
At one point during the protest, the activists were pushed into a diner and were locked inside by riot police -- as the restaurant customers watched with mouths agape.
The main entrance of the restaurant was cordoned off, special security forces dressed in black stood in a line by the restaurant. Pedestrians were told to change routes.
Apparently shaken by what she saw through the restaurants wide glass windows, a female diner spoke to a local English-language newspaper.
"Look at what they are doing to the women!" the diner told a reporter for Egypt's Daily Star as the police cracked down on the young protestors before her eyes.
Pakinam Amer is a Cairo-based journalist and writer.
Link: http://www.worldpoliticswatch.com/article.aspx?id=386
Sunday, December 03, 2006
DPA: Villagers cling to "business, memories, heritage"
By Pakinam Amer
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Saturday December 2, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Luxor- Proximity to the Valley of the Kings on the west bank of Luxor has put most Qarna villagers into the tourism business: sculpting, alabaster shops, selling ancient Egyptian replicas, renting bikes or hawking souvenirs.
But as Luxor authorities decided to relocate families by the hundreds to a new community to protect the monuments on which the village was literally built more than 100 years old, unrest marred the peaceful village.
People seemed reluctant to leave - preferring their primitive village, lacking clean water and sewage, to the new, modern flats built for them.
The new city has service centres, a post office, a police station, a cultural centre, electricity, running water, sewage, a mosque, schools, gardens and a market.
But the presence of more services was of little interest to many, especially those from the younger generation. Some said that they hated leaving behind their 100-year-old homes - considered by some as family heritage, old and crumbling as they are.
Some the older people said that they were prepared to leave for living space with more amenities - even if it means losing some of their piece of the tourist business. Younger people in the community seem to focus their objections more on the business issues.
Some of the villagers say they have thriving small businesses that depend on the nearby tourist attractions.
Others say that their memories and emotional attachments are too strong to abandon the wide, two-storey and three-storey structures that have housed their families for generations.
The sons of Omm Fathy, who were born in Qarna, showed journalists around their two-storey house, which lies on top of a sealed tomb. The tomb was closed by the Antiquities Ministry around 40 years ago, and authorities have been checking on the site every month or so ever since.
"We are the guardians of this tomb. I am now, and my fathers and great-grandfathers were before me," said Omm Fathy.
Omm Fathy said that she should not be made to leave her home - unless she is given a house as large and allowed to take along all her belongings - frames with the family photos seemed extra special to Omm Fathy and her big family.
In one of Omm Fathy's rooms, the four walls are covered with framed photos: pictures of dead family members, movie stars and German Reich leaders, Egyptian presidents and even Sufi sheikhs were all lined side by side.
The rest of the walls that were not adorned with pictures were covered with drawings by family members.
"This room has all the memories. How can I leave this room?" asked Omm Fathy's eldest son. "We are afraid. What if they give us no compensation if we leave all this?"
The son deemed the room "a monument" in its own right, saying that he only wishes that the city authorities would at least let them take the pictures when they're forced to leave.
"We have been living here for a thousand years," said another resident, Alaa Ahmed, a local tour guide and one of al-Qarna's younger residents.
Ahmed's house is to be bulldozed, but he doubts that he will be given a new apartment as the city claims.
"We get water through pipes, not a problem, and we're used to living here. It is closer to our work," said Ahmed.
"I've been staying here for 35 years," one of Ahmed's relatives said. "I own my own antiquities shop just by my house."
Although cleaner and only several kilometres away, the new city was seen as "not fit" according to several people who said that they will not be forced to leave.
"I will sit in front on my house if the bulldozer comes to destroy my house," said 35-year-old Sabah, a single woman who now lives alone after her parents died earlier this year.
"I haven't seen anything. Not the apartments, not the contracts, nothing. They cannot force me out even if they come with their trucks." S
he said that authorities had threatened to cut off electricity and water service if she refuses to leave. "There is no water system anyway," Sabah said, "so they can't cut if off."
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Villagers_cling_to_business_memorie_12022006.html
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Saturday December 2, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Luxor- Proximity to the Valley of the Kings on the west bank of Luxor has put most Qarna villagers into the tourism business: sculpting, alabaster shops, selling ancient Egyptian replicas, renting bikes or hawking souvenirs.
But as Luxor authorities decided to relocate families by the hundreds to a new community to protect the monuments on which the village was literally built more than 100 years old, unrest marred the peaceful village.
People seemed reluctant to leave - preferring their primitive village, lacking clean water and sewage, to the new, modern flats built for them.
The new city has service centres, a post office, a police station, a cultural centre, electricity, running water, sewage, a mosque, schools, gardens and a market.
But the presence of more services was of little interest to many, especially those from the younger generation. Some said that they hated leaving behind their 100-year-old homes - considered by some as family heritage, old and crumbling as they are.
Some the older people said that they were prepared to leave for living space with more amenities - even if it means losing some of their piece of the tourist business. Younger people in the community seem to focus their objections more on the business issues.
Some of the villagers say they have thriving small businesses that depend on the nearby tourist attractions.
Others say that their memories and emotional attachments are too strong to abandon the wide, two-storey and three-storey structures that have housed their families for generations.
The sons of Omm Fathy, who were born in Qarna, showed journalists around their two-storey house, which lies on top of a sealed tomb. The tomb was closed by the Antiquities Ministry around 40 years ago, and authorities have been checking on the site every month or so ever since.
"We are the guardians of this tomb. I am now, and my fathers and great-grandfathers were before me," said Omm Fathy.
Omm Fathy said that she should not be made to leave her home - unless she is given a house as large and allowed to take along all her belongings - frames with the family photos seemed extra special to Omm Fathy and her big family.
In one of Omm Fathy's rooms, the four walls are covered with framed photos: pictures of dead family members, movie stars and German Reich leaders, Egyptian presidents and even Sufi sheikhs were all lined side by side.
The rest of the walls that were not adorned with pictures were covered with drawings by family members.
"This room has all the memories. How can I leave this room?" asked Omm Fathy's eldest son. "We are afraid. What if they give us no compensation if we leave all this?"
The son deemed the room "a monument" in its own right, saying that he only wishes that the city authorities would at least let them take the pictures when they're forced to leave.
"We have been living here for a thousand years," said another resident, Alaa Ahmed, a local tour guide and one of al-Qarna's younger residents.
Ahmed's house is to be bulldozed, but he doubts that he will be given a new apartment as the city claims.
"We get water through pipes, not a problem, and we're used to living here. It is closer to our work," said Ahmed.
"I've been staying here for 35 years," one of Ahmed's relatives said. "I own my own antiquities shop just by my house."
Although cleaner and only several kilometres away, the new city was seen as "not fit" according to several people who said that they will not be forced to leave.
"I will sit in front on my house if the bulldozer comes to destroy my house," said 35-year-old Sabah, a single woman who now lives alone after her parents died earlier this year.
"I haven't seen anything. Not the apartments, not the contracts, nothing. They cannot force me out even if they come with their trucks." S
he said that authorities had threatened to cut off electricity and water service if she refuses to leave. "There is no water system anyway," Sabah said, "so they can't cut if off."
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Villagers_cling_to_business_memorie_12022006.html
DPA: Villagers decry forced relocation away from ancient tombs
By Pakinam Amer
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Saturday December 2, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Luxor- Ismail Abdullah, a father of six, says his crumbled house and his small farm, located on top of an ancient monument, are not only his home but his family heritage.
He will not leave, he says, defying orders of the city council that decided to relocate around 3,200 families to the new city of al- Talib, in order to protect ancient monuments that Qarna village west of Luxor is built on and around.
Early Saturday, a preview of the displacement took place as international and local press watched. Four houses were razed by bulldozers as the initiation of the displacement plan was announced over a loud speaker.
Ismail stood to watch. Minutes before, he has been vocal about his dismay.
"I'm not happy with the president or his wife because of this," he said. "These are the houses of our grandfathers and great- grandfathers."
Although the villagers are being given new apartments, Ismail says that the new dwellings are too small. "That's why I will not leave, but I'm afraid that if I don't (the police authorities) will wrongly accuse me of illegally dealing in antiquities (in order to force me out). If this happens, I will lose everything," he said.
There have been reports of pillaging of ancient tombs by Qarna residents. The villagers, located in what is known as the Valley of the Kings, are famous for unearthing riches, secretly digging burrows through their own homes and uncovering ancient artifacts that they usually sell to foreign dealers, archaeologists or Egyptology experts.
Officials have been unable to control this illicit trade - as burrowing was allegedly taking place within people's houses, the authorities did not even know that some of the tombs existed.
Inside some of Qarna's houses, one can see spaces of earth hollowed out and remains of what appear to be walls pulled down to reveal an entrance to an ancient tomb or the outline of ancient dwellings dating to pharaonic times.
When some of these structures were discovered in houses, the Luxor city started forcing the evacuation of the buildings and even destroyed parts of them to force residents to leave.
The city claims that "hundreds more ancient tombs" dating to the pharaonic era are located beneath the village, some belonging to pharaonic nobility.
A trip to Qarna showed that several monumental sites were indeed unearthed. Some of the tombs are hiding below rubble, while other monuments could be seen among garbage dumps.
The residents consider themselves "guardians" of these tombstones.
On Saturday, and after the four houses were removed to mark the beginning of the relocation plan, four families were taken by minibus to al-Talib, about 10 kilometres away. They were given three-bedroom apartments as friends and family who had hopped along cheered.
Family members told the press that the old place was "a garbage dump."
In contrast to the new, government-built community, the old village is indeed primitive and lacks essentials including a sewage system and access to clean water.
But many people sounded distrustful of the looming move.
One family man, as he showed journalists around his new, furnished apartment, said that the "government brought us all this." A bystander, a local from Qarna, whispered for only some of the press to hear: "Yes, and then they will take it back" after the journalists leave.
The skepticism, however, was not confined to the bystander.
Although the Luxor council's justification for the land seizure is the preservation of antiquities, people are upset and suspicious of the government.
"This is just a show," a local said, refusing to give his name. "They're doing all this to impress the journalists."
Many of the villagers complained that they did not have "guarantees" that they would be granted the new dwellings once they leave their homes behind - as decrepit as some of their houses are.
The villagers did not receive confirmation, dates by which they should evacuate or documents and contracts. The government promises that warranties will be given to people only when they start moving.
An earlier city decision to raze some of the village was blocked by residents who went to court to block the relocations, arguing successfully that their replacement housing had not yet been built.
That defence evaporated this year with the completion of the new flats for the villagers. Meanwhile, though, city authorities had refused to let them repair and revamp their deteriorating homes.
In the state-run national media, the main reason for the mass relocation was said to be the protection of villagers from possible "life-threatening" floods.
The flood excuse is only "a cover," one housewife said.
"It is the antiquities that they care about," she said, watching an old, crumbled house being bulldozed.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Villagers_decry_forced_relocation_a_12022006.html
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Saturday December 2, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Luxor- Ismail Abdullah, a father of six, says his crumbled house and his small farm, located on top of an ancient monument, are not only his home but his family heritage.
He will not leave, he says, defying orders of the city council that decided to relocate around 3,200 families to the new city of al- Talib, in order to protect ancient monuments that Qarna village west of Luxor is built on and around.
Early Saturday, a preview of the displacement took place as international and local press watched. Four houses were razed by bulldozers as the initiation of the displacement plan was announced over a loud speaker.
Ismail stood to watch. Minutes before, he has been vocal about his dismay.
"I'm not happy with the president or his wife because of this," he said. "These are the houses of our grandfathers and great- grandfathers."
Although the villagers are being given new apartments, Ismail says that the new dwellings are too small. "That's why I will not leave, but I'm afraid that if I don't (the police authorities) will wrongly accuse me of illegally dealing in antiquities (in order to force me out). If this happens, I will lose everything," he said.
There have been reports of pillaging of ancient tombs by Qarna residents. The villagers, located in what is known as the Valley of the Kings, are famous for unearthing riches, secretly digging burrows through their own homes and uncovering ancient artifacts that they usually sell to foreign dealers, archaeologists or Egyptology experts.
Officials have been unable to control this illicit trade - as burrowing was allegedly taking place within people's houses, the authorities did not even know that some of the tombs existed.
Inside some of Qarna's houses, one can see spaces of earth hollowed out and remains of what appear to be walls pulled down to reveal an entrance to an ancient tomb or the outline of ancient dwellings dating to pharaonic times.
When some of these structures were discovered in houses, the Luxor city started forcing the evacuation of the buildings and even destroyed parts of them to force residents to leave.
The city claims that "hundreds more ancient tombs" dating to the pharaonic era are located beneath the village, some belonging to pharaonic nobility.
A trip to Qarna showed that several monumental sites were indeed unearthed. Some of the tombs are hiding below rubble, while other monuments could be seen among garbage dumps.
The residents consider themselves "guardians" of these tombstones.
On Saturday, and after the four houses were removed to mark the beginning of the relocation plan, four families were taken by minibus to al-Talib, about 10 kilometres away. They were given three-bedroom apartments as friends and family who had hopped along cheered.
Family members told the press that the old place was "a garbage dump."
In contrast to the new, government-built community, the old village is indeed primitive and lacks essentials including a sewage system and access to clean water.
But many people sounded distrustful of the looming move.
One family man, as he showed journalists around his new, furnished apartment, said that the "government brought us all this." A bystander, a local from Qarna, whispered for only some of the press to hear: "Yes, and then they will take it back" after the journalists leave.
The skepticism, however, was not confined to the bystander.
Although the Luxor council's justification for the land seizure is the preservation of antiquities, people are upset and suspicious of the government.
"This is just a show," a local said, refusing to give his name. "They're doing all this to impress the journalists."
Many of the villagers complained that they did not have "guarantees" that they would be granted the new dwellings once they leave their homes behind - as decrepit as some of their houses are.
The villagers did not receive confirmation, dates by which they should evacuate or documents and contracts. The government promises that warranties will be given to people only when they start moving.
An earlier city decision to raze some of the village was blocked by residents who went to court to block the relocations, arguing successfully that their replacement housing had not yet been built.
That defence evaporated this year with the completion of the new flats for the villagers. Meanwhile, though, city authorities had refused to let them repair and revamp their deteriorating homes.
In the state-run national media, the main reason for the mass relocation was said to be the protection of villagers from possible "life-threatening" floods.
The flood excuse is only "a cover," one housewife said.
"It is the antiquities that they care about," she said, watching an old, crumbled house being bulldozed.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Villagers_decry_forced_relocation_a_12022006.html
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