DSE: Critical moment on the political horizon

Critical moment on the political horizon
Alaa Al Aswani and Mona Makram Ebeid speak on democracy in a joint discussion

By Pakinam Amer
First Published: March 10, 2006

CAIRO: During a transitional stage in Egypt’s politics, reassessment of public policies is a necessity. Author Alaa Al Aswani and politician Mona Makram Ebeid took turns reviewing Egypt’s most captivating public issues, with the state of democracy in Egypt topping the list in their open discussion last week.
“A sound political authority is the only force that can ensure the restoration of politics to the appropriate arena,” says Ebeid, who is also a former member of the El-Ghad opposition party and of Egypt’s upper house of parliament.
Following the Muslim Brotherhood’s recent parliamentary success and their sweeping presence as an opposition force—unprecedented in past decades under the current government—many analysts were fearful of the prospect of Islamists coming to power. The idea brings to mind the Iranian and Afghani experiences; countries apparently torn between their public outcries for democracy and governments that are widely regarded as extreme.
Ebeid, on the other hand, believes that religion will not and cannot “provide an institutional basis for a common morality” and so will not be chosen by Egyptians who have been nourished in the ambience of a diversified culture. Many of the citizens who chose the Brothers, Ebeid argues, were doing so “to defy” the dominance of the National Democratic Party (NDP) in “a distorted political landscape.”
The rationale of Islamists that Egypt is a “monotheistic society with a culture, a history and a society that are exclusively Islamic” is not accurate, according to the female activist.
Ebeid, an analyst herself, acknowledges the weaknesses of currently installed political and opposition parties. “However, to dismiss them outright would mean accepting the Islamists’ claim that they represent the [single] grassroots political movement.”
“It would mean accepting the government’s argument that political parties are dehydrated and irrelevant,” Ebeid adds, an argument that the government uses “to close the political space.”
Politics in Egypt, continues Ebeid, remains polarized between two groups: the government on one hand, whose reputation is tarnished by “high scale corruption and intimidation to win support,” and the Muslim Brotherhood, who are prevented from having legitimate ground for their activities.
“In between are a collection of licensed parties that are mostly outdated, discredited,” says Ebeid. “[The parties are either] torn by internal strife such as Al-Wafd, Nasserites and Tagammu or harassed by the [government] such as El-Ghad, or a few new groups that have been denied licensing, such as Al-Wasat and Al-Karama.”
Nevertheless, even taking into account limitations and fears, Ebeid says she believes both groups. Islamists on one hand and the political parties on another should be given a chance to either flourish or prove their good will pertaining to political reform. Parties stand firm, ready to be energized the moment they are given breathing space, while the Muslim Brotherhood’s morale and their seemingly about-face on some conservative policies, such as their attitude toward women and Christians for instance, have yet to be challenged.
Islamists should be subject to trials that reveal their true identity and nature, then accordingly they should “either revert to being a social movement with a religious and charitable character, or become a political movement that will admit the need for a state that is neutral toward all different religious communities,” says Ebeid.
Ebeid remains hopeful despite her belief that apparent government attempts at liberalization are structured and guided only to maintain NDP control. Such a misleading exhibition of political reform will “leave the president with a great deal of power and little accountability.”
“Mubarak’s promises [of reform] give the opposition as well as outside actors an agenda to which he can be held accountable.”
The discussion, held on the grounds of the American University in Cairo (AUC), attracted students, journalists and high-profile members of the AUC faculty, such as outspoken government critic and sociology professor Saad-Eddin Ibrahim. Fans of Al Aswani’s bestselling controversial novel, The Yaqoubian Building, also flocked to the discussion room.
Al Aswani, who has received praise as well as criticism for his widely acclaimed book, is just as hopeful as Ebeid, albeit his little faith in the current government. It is worth noting that Al Aswani’s “tour-de-force” (as described by literary critics) contains a subtle yet strong criticism of the government. One character in his fictional work, a corrupt and sleazy parliamentarian, is said to closely depict a real controversial former cabinet official and upper house member.
“What is happening in Egypt is what we doctors call ‘complications,’” says Al Aswani, who is also a working dentist. “They are a result of the absence of democracy [and] it is a rule of the book that you can’t treat the signs [of an illness] or the complications without treating the cause.”
For Al Aswani, the equation is simple. When asked by one audience member about the changes that he, as a concerned citizen, believes that the government should implement, Al Aswani replied by saying that he did not want the government to change anything. “I just ask them to go away,” he adds.
Referring to the possibility of Islamists’ holding power, Al Aswani said that no power would be worse than the current government. “I don’t see a difference between the NDP and the Muslim Brotherhood; they both have a fascist way of thinking, [both] do not uphold democracies [and both] see the people as minors.”
“However, there is a new generation of the Muslim Brotherhood which confesses they have a black history and they promise reform. We have to give this generation a chance and test their potential for democracy.”
According to Al Aswani, as a writer he has often been “frustrated” under the current regime government. “The time of liberalism and real tolerance” has faded. “Now is the time of censorship. … There is always an invisible censorship power,” says Al Aswani, who reportedly faced numerous setbacks when he initially tried to publish his book. Many publishers, according to Al Aswani, refused to print his book due to its strong political undertones.
“The government has this policy, that the publishers acknowledge,” says Al Aswani. “The government [indirectly] says [to writers]: You write whatever you want and we do whatever we want.”
According to the author, writers are not given freedom of speech per se, rather the right to talk. “This is not freedom. … You could talk but the implications could be negative.”
“The situation in Egypt is like a black comedy,” says Al Aswani, pointing out that harassment, torture and arrest are always coupled with talks of democracy and reform in Egypt.
In his speech Al Aswani hinted that revolution is not a far-fetched notion. “No regime is worse than this one. However, they will not go home on their own decision; they must be sent home.”
“I believe that the political reactions of Egyptians are sometimes mysterious,” adds Al Aswani. “Before, revolutions blew up suddenly. You don’t know when the critical moment is; it could be soon.”

Link: http://www.dailystaregypt.com/article.aspx?ArticleID=871