Middle East News
By DPA
Feb 27, 2007, 13:35 GMT
Baghdad - Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki announced in a press briefing Tuesday that his cabinet would pass a newly-approved draft law on oil and natural gas to parliament for voting.
Oil Minister Hussein Shahristani, meanwhile, confirmed 'differences in views' between his ministry and officials from the Kurdish autonomous region over some clauses of the new law.
The draft law, which was approved on Monday, outlines the procedures and guidelines for oil transactions based on articles 11 and 112 of the constitution and, according to al-Maliki, 'makes Iraqis the prime owners of the wealth of oil and gas.'
The cabinet-backed law - currently proposed to parliament for review and approval - would have a 'positive impact and will certainly endorse the unity between all Iraqi elements and factions,' said al-Maliki.
He added that the 'main aim' of structuring this law was to 'realize the highest interest for the Iraqi people,' assuring that the law put 'Iraqi benefits' first.
According to Maliki, in light of the new law, Iraq's national oil company would be restructured and turned into an independent holding company. This company would then be in charge of implementing the national oil policy.
Oil revenues would be directed into a single account, and from there distributed between the different provinces according to their population counts.
The Federal Council on Oil and Gas is to represent these provinces and manage the flow of revenues.
The central government would also 'set up a new oil management structure tasked with drawing up national oil policies,' al-Maliki was quoted as saying by the Voices of Iraq news agency.
According to al-Maliki, the regional authorities would be given the right to negotiate with the bidding companies and potential investors under the guidelines established by the Oil and Gas Council.
Shahristani, however, said that the ministry would also have a role in 'regulating' the series of negotiations, 'accepting bids from qualified international companies.'
In remarks to the press, Shahristani added that 'nationality and background' of the companies would not be taken into account in making deals, 'but the ability of the company to revive the oil fields in accordance with the measures put forward by the Oil Ministry' would.
According to the minister, competition would be 'free,' and foreign investment encouraged.
During his statements, Shahristani also confirmed 'differences' between the Kurdish independent government, controlling the Kurdistan region, and the ministry.
'There is a difference of views between our Kurdish brothers in Kurdistan region (on one side) and the Oil Ministry and members of the parliament's Council of Oil and Gas (on the other) about the mechanism of negotiations over the new contracts and the existing ones,' he said.
According to reports, the Kurds would still be given the opportunity to thoroughly review the contracts, where the existing ones are incorporated in the new law.
Iraq has the third largest oil reserves worldwide. However, many of the existing oil fields have not been utilized since the 1970s.
Most oil fields are located in the south of Iraq near oil-rich cities like West al-Qurna, Majnoun, Nahran Omar, Rafideen, Helfaya, Sabba, Lahees and Bazrkan.
Other areas like eastern Baghdad, Al-Ahdab, Nasiriyah, and Artawy are also famous for their wealthy oil fields.
The current oil reserves are estimated to be equivalent to 115 billion barrels. But local experts estimate it might cost at least 30 billion dollars to renovate and revitalize the oil construction and refinery facilities.
Meanwhile, Sean McCormack, spokesman of the US State Department, sounded hopeful, when he told the press during a Monday briefing in Washington, that the proposed draft law was 'an important piece of draft legislation' and that 'oil would become a tool that would help unify Iraq and give all Iraqis a shared stake in their country's future.'
'The law would include international standards for transparency, including requirements for public disclosure of contracts and associated revenues,' he added.
dpa pa gma
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006, 2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1269977.php/Iraqi_Cabinet_approves_oil_draft_law_refers_it_to_parliament
Tuesday, February 27, 2007
Monday, February 19, 2007
DPA: Egyptian students protest Jerusalem excavations
Middle East News
Feb 19, 2007, 16:23 GMT
Cairo - Hundreds of Cairo University students and staff took to the streets of the Egyptian capital on Monday to protest against Israeli renovation works near the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount compound in Jerusalem.
Israel has begun excavations several dozen metres from the compound as preparation for the construction of a new pedestrian bridge leading up to the elevated compound's Mughrabi Gate.
The bridge is to replace an earthen walkway that collapsed because of snowstorms and a minor earthquake in 2004.
The work however has sparked the anger of many Muslims, who believe it may harm the al-Aqsa and the Dome of the Rock mosques.
'(The al-Aqsa mosque) will not be destroyed as long as we live,' read some of the flyers and banners held by young demonstrators at Cairo University, as they were cordoned off by hordes of riot police.
The zealous students shouted slogans against 'the breaching' of the Islamic site. Speakers at the two-hour-long demonstration, which included members of the banned Muslim Brotherhood, encouraged the youths to show their anger in a peaceful manner.
According to a statement issued by a collective of university professor and staff, the protest was to be 'a step towards awakening the (Islamic) nation, so that it can defend its identity and existence, and claim its pride.'
dpa pa
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1265613.php/Egyptian_students_protest_Jerusalem_excavations
Feb 19, 2007, 16:23 GMT
Cairo - Hundreds of Cairo University students and staff took to the streets of the Egyptian capital on Monday to protest against Israeli renovation works near the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount compound in Jerusalem.
Israel has begun excavations several dozen metres from the compound as preparation for the construction of a new pedestrian bridge leading up to the elevated compound's Mughrabi Gate.
The bridge is to replace an earthen walkway that collapsed because of snowstorms and a minor earthquake in 2004.
The work however has sparked the anger of many Muslims, who believe it may harm the al-Aqsa and the Dome of the Rock mosques.
'(The al-Aqsa mosque) will not be destroyed as long as we live,' read some of the flyers and banners held by young demonstrators at Cairo University, as they were cordoned off by hordes of riot police.
The zealous students shouted slogans against 'the breaching' of the Islamic site. Speakers at the two-hour-long demonstration, which included members of the banned Muslim Brotherhood, encouraged the youths to show their anger in a peaceful manner.
According to a statement issued by a collective of university professor and staff, the protest was to be 'a step towards awakening the (Islamic) nation, so that it can defend its identity and existence, and claim its pride.'
dpa pa
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1265613.php/Egyptian_students_protest_Jerusalem_excavations
Saturday, February 17, 2007
DPA: US protestor "pushed and shoved" by food chain employees in Cairo
From Monsters and Critics.com
Middle East News
By DPA
Feb 17, 2007, 17:07 GMT
Cairo - An American protestor claimed Saturday he was pushed and shoved by Kentucky Fried Chicken employees in downtown Cairo after he dressed as a giant 'crippled chicken' to protest what he called 'abuse' of chickens in factory farms and slaughterhouses.
'We were protesting, (then) KFC employees started pushing and shoving,' said Jason Baker, who is originally from the US state of Michigan.
Baker, 34, is a member of a group called People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) and supports a worldwide campaign against the food chain.
The campaign alleges - according to a recent press release by PETA - that 'at slaughterhouses that supply KFC, birds are still alive after having their throats slit are scalded to death in defeathering tanks.'
According to the campaign's official website, the abuse includes 'live scalding, life-long crippling, and painful debeaking.'
As Baker protested with an Egyptian fellow activist holding signs in English and Arabic reading 'KFC cripples chicken,' employees from KFC came out of the store to talk with the protestors.
As the activists refused to leave, the employees allegedly pushed Baker, forcing him away from the store. Baker claimed that he 'hit the ground' and was kicked.
However, a KFC staff member who was present told Deutsche Presse- Agentur dpa on condition of anonymity that 'we did not push the protestor to the ground, no-one harassed the protestor.
We only wanted to understand why they're protesting. We asked them a few questions. They were not convincing. Their flyers were not convincing.'
He added: 'We slaughter according to the Islamic tradition, slaughtering is done legally according to this tradition. Our slaughterhouses are supervised by the health ministry.
'We did not push them away. They were taken away by the police. We were trying to urge them to stay away from the store, away from the entrance. Their presence annoyed some of the customers.'
Plain-clothed national security members who came to the scene intervened and carried Baker to a nearby building. He was said to be bruised, but suffered no major injuries. Baker was questioned by members of the security police, then released after around two hours.
No complaints were filed nor any inquiry instigated, although the employees and Baker were questioned. 'But none of the employees were detained,' Baker said.
Police escorted Baker back to his hotel room and requested that he not talk to the press. He was also told to inform the police of any upcoming protest 'for their protection.'
'It's kind of ironic that these employees have this attitude, (similar to) people that run the company in Kentucky,' Baker told dpa after the incident.
'It's from the ground level and the executives. They seem to be rather aggressive. But we will be back.'
dpa pa
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Middle East News
By DPA
Feb 17, 2007, 17:07 GMT
Cairo - An American protestor claimed Saturday he was pushed and shoved by Kentucky Fried Chicken employees in downtown Cairo after he dressed as a giant 'crippled chicken' to protest what he called 'abuse' of chickens in factory farms and slaughterhouses.
'We were protesting, (then) KFC employees started pushing and shoving,' said Jason Baker, who is originally from the US state of Michigan.
Baker, 34, is a member of a group called People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) and supports a worldwide campaign against the food chain.
The campaign alleges - according to a recent press release by PETA - that 'at slaughterhouses that supply KFC, birds are still alive after having their throats slit are scalded to death in defeathering tanks.'
According to the campaign's official website, the abuse includes 'live scalding, life-long crippling, and painful debeaking.'
As Baker protested with an Egyptian fellow activist holding signs in English and Arabic reading 'KFC cripples chicken,' employees from KFC came out of the store to talk with the protestors.
As the activists refused to leave, the employees allegedly pushed Baker, forcing him away from the store. Baker claimed that he 'hit the ground' and was kicked.
However, a KFC staff member who was present told Deutsche Presse- Agentur dpa on condition of anonymity that 'we did not push the protestor to the ground, no-one harassed the protestor.
We only wanted to understand why they're protesting. We asked them a few questions. They were not convincing. Their flyers were not convincing.'
He added: 'We slaughter according to the Islamic tradition, slaughtering is done legally according to this tradition. Our slaughterhouses are supervised by the health ministry.
'We did not push them away. They were taken away by the police. We were trying to urge them to stay away from the store, away from the entrance. Their presence annoyed some of the customers.'
Plain-clothed national security members who came to the scene intervened and carried Baker to a nearby building. He was said to be bruised, but suffered no major injuries. Baker was questioned by members of the security police, then released after around two hours.
No complaints were filed nor any inquiry instigated, although the employees and Baker were questioned. 'But none of the employees were detained,' Baker said.
Police escorted Baker back to his hotel room and requested that he not talk to the press. He was also told to inform the police of any upcoming protest 'for their protection.'
'It's kind of ironic that these employees have this attitude, (similar to) people that run the company in Kentucky,' Baker told dpa after the incident.
'It's from the ground level and the executives. They seem to be rather aggressive. But we will be back.'
dpa pa
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Tuesday, February 13, 2007
DPA: Censorship Of Literary Work Remains Unchallenged In Egypt
By Pakinam Amer, dpa
First Published: February 12, 2007
Cairo - Book censorship is spreading in Egypt now that numerous self-appointed authorities have received the absolute right to ban, sue or destroy a book for so-called religious and security reasons.
Freedom of expression is a right granted by the Egyptian constitution that acknowledges "freedom of literary, artistic and cultural invention".
However, Islamic institutions like the Azhar and state-run bodies such as the Interior Ministry and the Ministry of Education have the right to review books and withdraw them from the market.
Last week, a court banned foreign schools from teaching a book entitled History of the World, which according to the Cairo-based Egyptian Gazette, "contained information considered blasphemous and humiliating to Islam."
Another book was recently confiscated by the arts division in the Interior Ministry for allegedly criticizing modern Islamic scholars and questioning their eligibility.
On the one hand, books focusing on religious and political matters are confiscated for broaching tabued subjects. On the other hand, religious books that arguably "entice hatred" are sometimes left on book shelves.
"What these government and religious bodies exercise regarding literary work is a form of thuggery," said Mohammed Hashem, owner of a local publishing house. Hashem was interrogated about a book he published that was later deemed "irreligious and profane."
In the event of censorship, people calling for a ban have only to petition the office of the prosecution, and a case is almost immediately upheld against both the author and the publisher if the book is deemed "insulting to Islam" or to the ruling regime.
"In my case, I was asked questions like: 'Why did you publish this book? Did you know it contained blasphemy?' and so forth," said Hashem, adding, "Publishers face numerous pressures."
Hashem's book was quickly removed by a committee following the investigation. In other cases, representatives of the Azhar arrive and remove the controversial book "although they do not have legal rights to do so," Hasham notes.
The Azhar, a top authority on Islam, could not be reached for comment.
But although some liberals accuse religious organizations of "infringing on writers' freedom of expression," others say that the problem is more entrenched in the Egyptian system and is "beyond religious institutions."
Author Sonallah Ibrahim said, "Censorship in Egypt is closely connected to the political status that does not encourage freedoms" and to a culture of silence.
"The whole issue is almost comical," said Ibrahim, whose first book sparked a fury and was banned for criticizing the Egyptian cabinet.
Despite outcries, sometimes writers in government-controlled media even rush to justify the practice for fear of "disturbing public order".
Nawal Saadawi, a well-known author and outspoken critic of the government, had five books banned by her own publishers less than two weeks ago.
Saadawi's autobiography and another controversial play called "God Resigns in the Summit Meeting" were among the books removed from display.
Saadawi believes that the security police are behind the ban.
Every single copy of "God Resigns in the Summit Meeting" was shredded by local publisher Madbouli, who did not even give 70-year- old Saadawi a copy of her own book, and kept the manuscript.
When asked, Hajj Mohamed Madbouli, owner and manager of the publishing house, said the decision was not political saying that he removed the book as soon as he learnt the title.
"She's insulting God. I can publish anything even if it's against governments or kings, but never against God," Madbouli said, adding that members of the security police only witnessed the destruction of the book but did not initially request it.
There are other "thriving" forms of censorship in Egypt. For instance, some "pious" Muslim lawyers have adopted censorship cases; systematically filing court cases against "notorious" books, movies, and TV shows.
Hashem, the local publisher, said that in some cases "censorship has become a flourishing business."
An unknown lawyer files a case against a book, deeming it immodest or sacrilegious and attracts plenty of media attention in the process.
In other instances, the publishers take advantage of the situation by removing a book from a shelf, claiming that it has been confiscated. It can then be sold illegally at a higher price.
"People rush to search for books that are banned," explained Hashem.
But pressure in the form of death threats and exclusion from the media, which eventually lead to self-censorship, are the worst.
Saadawi is always under crossfire from conservatives and security officials and has not only faced defamation and court cases but also death threats from Islamic radicals. Local media, who are sometimes equally conservative in view of "sensitive issues" have often ignored her plight and have not answered her pleas.
Saadawi is banned from public television because of her writings. "There are other ways of silencing a writer, make them withdraw their work or express regret for publishing it ... such as prison," said Saadawi, who was briefly incarcerated in the early 1980s.
© 2007 DPA
Link: http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_13790-Censorship-Of-Literary-Work-Remains-Unchallenged-In-Egypt.html
http://my.earthlink.net/article/ent?guid=20070212/45cff450_536_133420070212-1676977377
http://my.embarq.earthlink.net/channel/entertainment/article/ent?guid=20070212/45cff450_536_133420070212-1676977377
http://www.indianmuslims.info/news/2007/february/16/muslim_world_news/censorship_of_literary_works_spreads_in_europe.html
First Published: February 12, 2007
Cairo - Book censorship is spreading in Egypt now that numerous self-appointed authorities have received the absolute right to ban, sue or destroy a book for so-called religious and security reasons.
Freedom of expression is a right granted by the Egyptian constitution that acknowledges "freedom of literary, artistic and cultural invention".
However, Islamic institutions like the Azhar and state-run bodies such as the Interior Ministry and the Ministry of Education have the right to review books and withdraw them from the market.
Last week, a court banned foreign schools from teaching a book entitled History of the World, which according to the Cairo-based Egyptian Gazette, "contained information considered blasphemous and humiliating to Islam."
Another book was recently confiscated by the arts division in the Interior Ministry for allegedly criticizing modern Islamic scholars and questioning their eligibility.
On the one hand, books focusing on religious and political matters are confiscated for broaching tabued subjects. On the other hand, religious books that arguably "entice hatred" are sometimes left on book shelves.
"What these government and religious bodies exercise regarding literary work is a form of thuggery," said Mohammed Hashem, owner of a local publishing house. Hashem was interrogated about a book he published that was later deemed "irreligious and profane."
In the event of censorship, people calling for a ban have only to petition the office of the prosecution, and a case is almost immediately upheld against both the author and the publisher if the book is deemed "insulting to Islam" or to the ruling regime.
"In my case, I was asked questions like: 'Why did you publish this book? Did you know it contained blasphemy?' and so forth," said Hashem, adding, "Publishers face numerous pressures."
Hashem's book was quickly removed by a committee following the investigation. In other cases, representatives of the Azhar arrive and remove the controversial book "although they do not have legal rights to do so," Hasham notes.
The Azhar, a top authority on Islam, could not be reached for comment.
But although some liberals accuse religious organizations of "infringing on writers' freedom of expression," others say that the problem is more entrenched in the Egyptian system and is "beyond religious institutions."
Author Sonallah Ibrahim said, "Censorship in Egypt is closely connected to the political status that does not encourage freedoms" and to a culture of silence.
"The whole issue is almost comical," said Ibrahim, whose first book sparked a fury and was banned for criticizing the Egyptian cabinet.
Despite outcries, sometimes writers in government-controlled media even rush to justify the practice for fear of "disturbing public order".
Nawal Saadawi, a well-known author and outspoken critic of the government, had five books banned by her own publishers less than two weeks ago.
Saadawi's autobiography and another controversial play called "God Resigns in the Summit Meeting" were among the books removed from display.
Saadawi believes that the security police are behind the ban.
Every single copy of "God Resigns in the Summit Meeting" was shredded by local publisher Madbouli, who did not even give 70-year- old Saadawi a copy of her own book, and kept the manuscript.
When asked, Hajj Mohamed Madbouli, owner and manager of the publishing house, said the decision was not political saying that he removed the book as soon as he learnt the title.
"She's insulting God. I can publish anything even if it's against governments or kings, but never against God," Madbouli said, adding that members of the security police only witnessed the destruction of the book but did not initially request it.
There are other "thriving" forms of censorship in Egypt. For instance, some "pious" Muslim lawyers have adopted censorship cases; systematically filing court cases against "notorious" books, movies, and TV shows.
Hashem, the local publisher, said that in some cases "censorship has become a flourishing business."
An unknown lawyer files a case against a book, deeming it immodest or sacrilegious and attracts plenty of media attention in the process.
In other instances, the publishers take advantage of the situation by removing a book from a shelf, claiming that it has been confiscated. It can then be sold illegally at a higher price.
"People rush to search for books that are banned," explained Hashem.
But pressure in the form of death threats and exclusion from the media, which eventually lead to self-censorship, are the worst.
Saadawi is always under crossfire from conservatives and security officials and has not only faced defamation and court cases but also death threats from Islamic radicals. Local media, who are sometimes equally conservative in view of "sensitive issues" have often ignored her plight and have not answered her pleas.
Saadawi is banned from public television because of her writings. "There are other ways of silencing a writer, make them withdraw their work or express regret for publishing it ... such as prison," said Saadawi, who was briefly incarcerated in the early 1980s.
© 2007 DPA
Link: http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_13790-Censorship-Of-Literary-Work-Remains-Unchallenged-In-Egypt.html
http://my.earthlink.net/article/ent?guid=20070212/45cff450_536_133420070212-1676977377
http://my.embarq.earthlink.net/channel/entertainment/article/ent?guid=20070212/45cff450_536_133420070212-1676977377
http://www.indianmuslims.info/news/2007/february/16/muslim_world_news/censorship_of_literary_works_spreads_in_europe.html
Wednesday, February 07, 2007
ANALYSIS: Shiite militants change tactics against new security plan (DPA)
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
First Published: Feb 7, 2007
Baghdad/Cairo (dpa) - Following the death of two of their senior leaders, the Shiite Sadr faction has threatened an uprising in Iraq - but their threats are downplayed by security analysts.
The faction, analysts say, cannot afford a direct confrontation with the US military forces and the government which are now putting in place their new security plan.
"The US forces are trying to provoke the Mahdi militias into a direct confrontation" which the latter cannot afford, said Baghdad University analyst and political science professor Hamid Fadel.
The Mahdi Army is a feared militia loyal to the powerful Muqtada al-Sadr, who controls a political bloc in the Iraqi parliament on which Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki is dependent. Nor are they the only Shiite militia that the government is affiliated with.
Recently however, joint Iraqi and US army forces declared an offensive against the Shiite cult Soldiers of Heaven in Najaf, killing more than 260 of cult members after a day of clashes.
The offensive marked a new strategy by the government towards Shiite militias - some of whom were previously heavily protected by members of al-Maliki‘s cabinet.
The Shiite-led cabinet headed by al-Maliki has been accused of fighting a largely one-front war against Sunnis and Baath insurgents - although the war should have also targeted the Shiite militias who are suspected in the wave of killings and kidnappings in the country.
But not until US President George W Bush warned the Iraqigovernment that it must get tougher on the insurgency or face the consequences that Baghdad‘s stance became firmer.
In a move to assure the US administration, al-Maliki apparently sought to deny that his government is sectarian and so a change of tactics was needed when it came to handling the militias.
"The Iraqi government was being accused by everyone - internal groups and foreign forces," Fadel added.
Last Sunday, Bahaa al-Aaraji, a Sadrist MP, in what appeared to be a threat, warned that a "huge upheaval" would occur if the policemen did not stop targeting Sadrists.
Although Fadel said these "military threats" are void, he added that using its popularity at the street level, Sadr is capable of mobilizing the public against the government.
But even after al-Aaraji‘s warning, security forces continued their raids. High-profile Sadrists were arrested in the course of the past few days. On Monday, Najaf supporters of top Shiite authority Ayatollah Mahmoud al-Hosni were also targeted.
It is not clear if these and the Najaf operations were a signal of goodwill to Bush - or a message to the armed Shiite militias who are almost embarrassing al-Maliki by adopting violence.
But it could very well be a dual message. When al-Maliki was appointed as premier he led a Shiite coalition - the United Iraqi alliance - that consisted among others of his own Islamic Dawa Party as well as the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) and the infamous Sadr faction.
Analysts say this puts Maliki in a dilemma. On the one hand he is trying to clamp down on Badr organization, which is SCIRI‘s military wing and the Mahdi army under al-Sadr. On the other, he is trying to maintain stable ties with their affiliated deputies in parliament.
The government has shown great reluctance about getting tough on Shiite militias. In January, for example, after US and Iraqi security forces detained an alleged Sadri leader of a punishment squad, Iraqi authorities quickly promised he would be released.
In short, the government showed readiness to bow to Sadri pressures. But then US patience began to wear thin, in turn threatening to weaken al-Maliki‘s position as Iraq‘s leader.
Now it appears that al-Maliki manoeuvring may be working. The US, following the Najaf operations and the arrests in the Mahdi ranks, may be taking notice.
On Tuesday, a US embassy spokesman in Baghdad told the press that it is understandable that dismantling armed groups in Iraq "takes time" and was difficult and could not be accomplished overnight. But the diplomat, Lou Fintor, said al-Maliki‘s government was capable of meeting its commitment about putting a stop to the death squads.
Al-Maliki and Shiite militias also seem to be forming a sort of "agreement" whereby the main Shiite militias would limit their operations, change their tactics and in turn give the impression that al-Maliki had successfully controlled the raging forces, suggests Iraqi analyst Fadel.
Halting the activity of the militias - even if it‘s temporary - is a show of power, he believes.
Fatah el-Sheikh, senior member of Sadr politburo, said that his movement is fully aware that - at this point - the US forces were intensifying their operations.
"But we will deal with this with our best weapons - patience and wisdom," he said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Links: http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Shiite_militants_change_tactics_aga_02062007.html
http://www.jurnalo.com/jurnalo/storyPage.do?story_id=15882
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_12683-Shiite-Militants-Change-Tactics-Against-New-Security-Plan.html
By Pakinam Amer
First Published: Feb 7, 2007
Baghdad/Cairo (dpa) - Following the death of two of their senior leaders, the Shiite Sadr faction has threatened an uprising in Iraq - but their threats are downplayed by security analysts.
The faction, analysts say, cannot afford a direct confrontation with the US military forces and the government which are now putting in place their new security plan.
"The US forces are trying to provoke the Mahdi militias into a direct confrontation" which the latter cannot afford, said Baghdad University analyst and political science professor Hamid Fadel.
The Mahdi Army is a feared militia loyal to the powerful Muqtada al-Sadr, who controls a political bloc in the Iraqi parliament on which Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki is dependent. Nor are they the only Shiite militia that the government is affiliated with.
Recently however, joint Iraqi and US army forces declared an offensive against the Shiite cult Soldiers of Heaven in Najaf, killing more than 260 of cult members after a day of clashes.
The offensive marked a new strategy by the government towards Shiite militias - some of whom were previously heavily protected by members of al-Maliki‘s cabinet.
The Shiite-led cabinet headed by al-Maliki has been accused of fighting a largely one-front war against Sunnis and Baath insurgents - although the war should have also targeted the Shiite militias who are suspected in the wave of killings and kidnappings in the country.
But not until US President George W Bush warned the Iraqigovernment that it must get tougher on the insurgency or face the consequences that Baghdad‘s stance became firmer.
In a move to assure the US administration, al-Maliki apparently sought to deny that his government is sectarian and so a change of tactics was needed when it came to handling the militias.
"The Iraqi government was being accused by everyone - internal groups and foreign forces," Fadel added.
Last Sunday, Bahaa al-Aaraji, a Sadrist MP, in what appeared to be a threat, warned that a "huge upheaval" would occur if the policemen did not stop targeting Sadrists.
Although Fadel said these "military threats" are void, he added that using its popularity at the street level, Sadr is capable of mobilizing the public against the government.
But even after al-Aaraji‘s warning, security forces continued their raids. High-profile Sadrists were arrested in the course of the past few days. On Monday, Najaf supporters of top Shiite authority Ayatollah Mahmoud al-Hosni were also targeted.
It is not clear if these and the Najaf operations were a signal of goodwill to Bush - or a message to the armed Shiite militias who are almost embarrassing al-Maliki by adopting violence.
But it could very well be a dual message. When al-Maliki was appointed as premier he led a Shiite coalition - the United Iraqi alliance - that consisted among others of his own Islamic Dawa Party as well as the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) and the infamous Sadr faction.
Analysts say this puts Maliki in a dilemma. On the one hand he is trying to clamp down on Badr organization, which is SCIRI‘s military wing and the Mahdi army under al-Sadr. On the other, he is trying to maintain stable ties with their affiliated deputies in parliament.
The government has shown great reluctance about getting tough on Shiite militias. In January, for example, after US and Iraqi security forces detained an alleged Sadri leader of a punishment squad, Iraqi authorities quickly promised he would be released.
In short, the government showed readiness to bow to Sadri pressures. But then US patience began to wear thin, in turn threatening to weaken al-Maliki‘s position as Iraq‘s leader.
Now it appears that al-Maliki manoeuvring may be working. The US, following the Najaf operations and the arrests in the Mahdi ranks, may be taking notice.
On Tuesday, a US embassy spokesman in Baghdad told the press that it is understandable that dismantling armed groups in Iraq "takes time" and was difficult and could not be accomplished overnight. But the diplomat, Lou Fintor, said al-Maliki‘s government was capable of meeting its commitment about putting a stop to the death squads.
Al-Maliki and Shiite militias also seem to be forming a sort of "agreement" whereby the main Shiite militias would limit their operations, change their tactics and in turn give the impression that al-Maliki had successfully controlled the raging forces, suggests Iraqi analyst Fadel.
Halting the activity of the militias - even if it‘s temporary - is a show of power, he believes.
Fatah el-Sheikh, senior member of Sadr politburo, said that his movement is fully aware that - at this point - the US forces were intensifying their operations.
"But we will deal with this with our best weapons - patience and wisdom," he said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Links: http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Shiite_militants_change_tactics_aga_02062007.html
http://www.jurnalo.com/jurnalo/storyPage.do?story_id=15882
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_12683-Shiite-Militants-Change-Tactics-Against-New-Security-Plan.html
Tuesday, February 06, 2007
ANALYSIS: Iraqi-Syrian relations turn sour, verbal war continues (DPA)
From Monsters and Critics.com
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Feb 5, 2007, 19:35 GMT
Baghdad/Cairo - Expectations that Syria would prove a 'caring neighbour' and peace partner for war-torn Iraq were dashed after Iraqi politicians accused Damascus of sheltering militants and aiding terrorist groups in Iraq.
'Around half of the murderers and bombers are radicals who come through Syria, Iraqi cabinet spokesman Ali al-Dabbagh told reporters Sunday adding, 'We have the evidence to prove it.'
Al-Dabbagh's allegations echoed accusations repeatedly voiced by US policy makers and implying that the attacks in Iraq occur with both the knowledge and consent of Syrian officials.
Iraq cannot afford to sever relations with its neighbours and in the worst-case scenario, it increases the possibility of a fully- fledged civil war, not just in Iraq but in the entire region.
The terrorists arrive via the Syrian borders, al-Dabbagh confirmed. MP Sami al-Askary said their entrance was 'continuous especially from Syria.'
The war of words between Iraq and Syria began Sunday, following a string of attacks across Baghdad. On Sunday, a truck bomb attack rocked a busy market in Baghdad killing more than 130 Iraqis, mostly Shiites, and wounding over 300.
The incident sent shockwaves through Shiite communities; even high-ranking Sunni authorities rushed to express their condolences and dodge responsibility.
Top Iraqi officials were quick to blame Syria. They accused the country of having a 'loose grip' on Syrian-Iraqi borders, and also charged that the country was financing terrorist groups within Iraq as well as facilitating their entry.
Iraqi authorities say Syria is also turning a blind eye to weapons smuggling into Iraqi territories.
During President Jalal Talabani's visit to Damascus, Syria had earlier responded that the porous desert land forming the long borderline between Iraq and Syria was almost impossible to control.
Adding insult to injury, the remarks came as hundreds of thousands of Iraqis seeking refuge from the anarchy in their own land fought Syrian restrictions on them. Al-Dabbagh had deemed Syria 'antagonistic' and unreceptive towards 'real' and legal refugees.
Syrian authorities vehemently and quickly denied any responsibility for the turmoil and lashed out at the 'fraudulent' allegations that Syrian intelligence was harassing legitimate Iraqi refugees.
Mohammed Habash, an Islamist and a Syrian MP, told al-Arabiya television that such remarks enticed 'hostility' in the region and were baseless.
'What has Syria got to do with the bombing of a vegetable market in Iraq? There is an American or Israeli hand to this,' Habash said.
After almost a quarter of a century of cool relations, in November 2006, the anti-US Syrian government, backed by Iran, started forging an alliance with Iraq, arguably attempting to act as a power broker and pressuring the US to start a dialogue in a bid to curb the unrest in Iraq.
Syrian intentions were not kept clandestine. Both Iranian and Syrian leaders told reporters that Western States had to be willing to talk to Iraq's neighbours.
Syria has also exchanged ambassadors with Iraq and Iran. The latter has been keen to draw Syria into a Tehran-based summit on the violence in Iraq. In January, President Talabini visited Damascus, signing a series of agreements - a first in decades.
But the contentment of Tehran and Damascus did not last for long because of the Iraqi officials' verbal attacks.
Only a few hours after the fiery accusation, Syrian news and pan- Arab TV channels quoted authorities saying that an 'Iraqi truck' loaded with explosives and arms had attempted to cross into Syria via the Lebanese border. The so-called smuggling attempt was immediately foiled, authorities said.
There is a message in this piece of news, which was timed with the accusations.
Damascus could be implying two things: that they are actually clamping down on would-be terrorists or that its very own territories are equally threatened by Iraqi militants trying to slip into Syria, then possibly into Iraq through the joint border.
Perhaps, it is a sign of goodwill that Syria is acting on information regarding militancy or an act of hostility. Baghdad, however, has not responded to the incident - and is not likely to.
Despite firing back, the Syrians continue to signal 'tolerance' to Iraqi authorities saying Monday they were still ready to broker peace in their neighbouring country.
Syria apparently wants to influence the Iraqi insurgency as 'a gambling card.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1255955.php/ANALYSIS_Iraqi-Syrian_relations_turn_sour_verbal_war_continues
http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Iraqi_Syrian_relations_turn_sour_ve_02052007.html
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_12518-Iraqi-Syrian-Relations-Turn-Sour-Verbal-War-Continues.html
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Feb 5, 2007, 19:35 GMT
Baghdad/Cairo - Expectations that Syria would prove a 'caring neighbour' and peace partner for war-torn Iraq were dashed after Iraqi politicians accused Damascus of sheltering militants and aiding terrorist groups in Iraq.
'Around half of the murderers and bombers are radicals who come through Syria, Iraqi cabinet spokesman Ali al-Dabbagh told reporters Sunday adding, 'We have the evidence to prove it.'
Al-Dabbagh's allegations echoed accusations repeatedly voiced by US policy makers and implying that the attacks in Iraq occur with both the knowledge and consent of Syrian officials.
Iraq cannot afford to sever relations with its neighbours and in the worst-case scenario, it increases the possibility of a fully- fledged civil war, not just in Iraq but in the entire region.
The terrorists arrive via the Syrian borders, al-Dabbagh confirmed. MP Sami al-Askary said their entrance was 'continuous especially from Syria.'
The war of words between Iraq and Syria began Sunday, following a string of attacks across Baghdad. On Sunday, a truck bomb attack rocked a busy market in Baghdad killing more than 130 Iraqis, mostly Shiites, and wounding over 300.
The incident sent shockwaves through Shiite communities; even high-ranking Sunni authorities rushed to express their condolences and dodge responsibility.
Top Iraqi officials were quick to blame Syria. They accused the country of having a 'loose grip' on Syrian-Iraqi borders, and also charged that the country was financing terrorist groups within Iraq as well as facilitating their entry.
Iraqi authorities say Syria is also turning a blind eye to weapons smuggling into Iraqi territories.
During President Jalal Talabani's visit to Damascus, Syria had earlier responded that the porous desert land forming the long borderline between Iraq and Syria was almost impossible to control.
Adding insult to injury, the remarks came as hundreds of thousands of Iraqis seeking refuge from the anarchy in their own land fought Syrian restrictions on them. Al-Dabbagh had deemed Syria 'antagonistic' and unreceptive towards 'real' and legal refugees.
Syrian authorities vehemently and quickly denied any responsibility for the turmoil and lashed out at the 'fraudulent' allegations that Syrian intelligence was harassing legitimate Iraqi refugees.
Mohammed Habash, an Islamist and a Syrian MP, told al-Arabiya television that such remarks enticed 'hostility' in the region and were baseless.
'What has Syria got to do with the bombing of a vegetable market in Iraq? There is an American or Israeli hand to this,' Habash said.
After almost a quarter of a century of cool relations, in November 2006, the anti-US Syrian government, backed by Iran, started forging an alliance with Iraq, arguably attempting to act as a power broker and pressuring the US to start a dialogue in a bid to curb the unrest in Iraq.
Syrian intentions were not kept clandestine. Both Iranian and Syrian leaders told reporters that Western States had to be willing to talk to Iraq's neighbours.
Syria has also exchanged ambassadors with Iraq and Iran. The latter has been keen to draw Syria into a Tehran-based summit on the violence in Iraq. In January, President Talabini visited Damascus, signing a series of agreements - a first in decades.
But the contentment of Tehran and Damascus did not last for long because of the Iraqi officials' verbal attacks.
Only a few hours after the fiery accusation, Syrian news and pan- Arab TV channels quoted authorities saying that an 'Iraqi truck' loaded with explosives and arms had attempted to cross into Syria via the Lebanese border. The so-called smuggling attempt was immediately foiled, authorities said.
There is a message in this piece of news, which was timed with the accusations.
Damascus could be implying two things: that they are actually clamping down on would-be terrorists or that its very own territories are equally threatened by Iraqi militants trying to slip into Syria, then possibly into Iraq through the joint border.
Perhaps, it is a sign of goodwill that Syria is acting on information regarding militancy or an act of hostility. Baghdad, however, has not responded to the incident - and is not likely to.
Despite firing back, the Syrians continue to signal 'tolerance' to Iraqi authorities saying Monday they were still ready to broker peace in their neighbouring country.
Syria apparently wants to influence the Iraqi insurgency as 'a gambling card.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1255955.php/ANALYSIS_Iraqi-Syrian_relations_turn_sour_verbal_war_continues
http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Iraqi_Syrian_relations_turn_sour_ve_02052007.html
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_12518-Iraqi-Syrian-Relations-Turn-Sour-Verbal-War-Continues.html
Monday, January 29, 2007
DPA: Veil off - one woman's 'life-changing' decision
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Jan 29, 2007, 11:18 GMT
Cairo - Naira El-Sheikh -an Egyptian ex-fashion model - wore Hijab (Islamic headscarf) for more than five years. Her friends considered her 'an icon' for choosing 'piety' - Hijab being the symbol - over anything else.
Two weeks ago, Naira decided to take it off - the scarf that has been covering her hair from peering eyes and which completed the traditional conservative dress that Muslims generally wear in the Islamic world.
'When I made this decision there were extreme reactions from the people I know,' said Naira. 'Some people called it an overdue correction of a mistake. 'Welcome back!' they said. And others would not want to talk to me. I haven't welcomed any of these reactions.'
According to 25-year-old Naira, women from her age have been put under great pressure because of how the Egyptian society perceives Hijab and in turn veiled woman.
A veiled woman is not allowed the same 'liberties' that an unveiled woman is, and is usually held to different standards.
'I do believe Hijab is not just a dress code, it's a statement, a behavior and an attitude that you embrace,' said Naira. Nevertheless, she said that the society 'has come to expect so much from a veiled women.'
Upon donning the veil, the woman has to adopt certain conformist behavior that include maintaining a low-profile in public and abstaining from 'casual relationships' with the opposite sex.
Although this strict understanding of the veil is not outlined by the Koran, Naira explained that she tried to strictly abide by this socially-backed 'behavioral code' when she first took the veil on.
'I drastically changed my lifestyle but still it did not fit the expectations of some hardliners from both extremes - the so-called liberals and the so-called conservatives,' she observed.
Naira wore the headscarf, but juggled baggie pants, long skirts and long-sleeved shirts to preserve her individual style. Islamic scholars still disagree about the extent of how a Muslim woman should 'cover up.'
The Muslim's holiest book clearly states that a woman should cover her cleavage and dress modestly - but any other restrictions on dress remain debatable.
So the form of Hijab as many know it - one that includes headscarves and long robes - has been only common in Egypt and other neighboring countries for the past few decades, when a wave of 'piety' started to engulf some countries in the Middle East.
In the early 1990s particularly, Egypt transformed into a more conservative state where an estimated 70 per cent of Muslim women took on the Hijab.
Some women even started covering their hair with scarves while preserving their dress style that included wearing tight pants and body-hugging tops.
TV preacher Amr Khaled was one cleric who is considered to have introduced this neo-Islamic conservative trend.
Khaled, who abandoned the traditional scholarly robe for a suit and a tie, seemed to use a different tone of preaching that quickly captivated many of Egypt's younger people, many who usually left the mosque with teary eyes and a strong resolve to get closer to God.
Prayer, fasting and reading Koran became more common and Hijab for the girls was no exception.
Although scholars are divided about whether the scarf and the traditional Islamic gown is 'an obligation,' Khaled and several preachers who gradually rose to popularity, vehemently advocate it.
But as stricter forms of Hijab started to be widely adopted, another view emerged - that the veil has been used by radical scholars to 'control' and constrain women.
The rise of 'conservatism' seemed to go out of proportion, as certain apparel like the opaque face-veils and head-to-toe cloaks began to spread. This was also coupled by the 'inactivity' of some women who chose to confine themselves at home after donning the veil.
Many liberals feared that this trend may introduce to Egypt elements of 'backwardness' that are imported from Arab countries which promote a more rigid form of Islamic practice.
In a newspaper column, Islamic intellectual Mohammad Emara wrote against what he called 'Islamic transgressors' who use Hijab as a 'tool' to oppress Muslim women.
Emara said these people, who are engaged in a power struggle with women, force upon them a stringent lifestyle that is not necessarily compatible with what Islam preaches, and which is 'more political' than it is religious.
Emara advocated the headscarf but said that some scholars 'are attempting to push women back to the age of harem' with the Hijab.
Caught in the row between the contemptuous liberals and the uncompromising hardliners, some young women like Naira continue to struggle for 'a balance' between Islamic practice and living their life to the fullest 'without sin.'
Even with a veil on, Naira - a single mother - remained committed to a full-time day job as a business development manager, among other activities.
And after taking the veil off, Naira insists on 'practicing' Islam. And, she may return to covering her hair - 'when I am ready.'
But for her, the decision to take it on or to abandon it is both personal and religious - one that cannot be decided by preachers and their loyalists in the mosques.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1252962.php/Veil_off_-_one_womans_life-changing_decision
http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Veil_off_one_woman_s_life_changing__01282007.html
By Pakinam Amer
Jan 29, 2007, 11:18 GMT
Cairo - Naira El-Sheikh -an Egyptian ex-fashion model - wore Hijab (Islamic headscarf) for more than five years. Her friends considered her 'an icon' for choosing 'piety' - Hijab being the symbol - over anything else.
Two weeks ago, Naira decided to take it off - the scarf that has been covering her hair from peering eyes and which completed the traditional conservative dress that Muslims generally wear in the Islamic world.
'When I made this decision there were extreme reactions from the people I know,' said Naira. 'Some people called it an overdue correction of a mistake. 'Welcome back!' they said. And others would not want to talk to me. I haven't welcomed any of these reactions.'
According to 25-year-old Naira, women from her age have been put under great pressure because of how the Egyptian society perceives Hijab and in turn veiled woman.
A veiled woman is not allowed the same 'liberties' that an unveiled woman is, and is usually held to different standards.
'I do believe Hijab is not just a dress code, it's a statement, a behavior and an attitude that you embrace,' said Naira. Nevertheless, she said that the society 'has come to expect so much from a veiled women.'
Upon donning the veil, the woman has to adopt certain conformist behavior that include maintaining a low-profile in public and abstaining from 'casual relationships' with the opposite sex.
Although this strict understanding of the veil is not outlined by the Koran, Naira explained that she tried to strictly abide by this socially-backed 'behavioral code' when she first took the veil on.
'I drastically changed my lifestyle but still it did not fit the expectations of some hardliners from both extremes - the so-called liberals and the so-called conservatives,' she observed.
Naira wore the headscarf, but juggled baggie pants, long skirts and long-sleeved shirts to preserve her individual style. Islamic scholars still disagree about the extent of how a Muslim woman should 'cover up.'
The Muslim's holiest book clearly states that a woman should cover her cleavage and dress modestly - but any other restrictions on dress remain debatable.
So the form of Hijab as many know it - one that includes headscarves and long robes - has been only common in Egypt and other neighboring countries for the past few decades, when a wave of 'piety' started to engulf some countries in the Middle East.
In the early 1990s particularly, Egypt transformed into a more conservative state where an estimated 70 per cent of Muslim women took on the Hijab.
Some women even started covering their hair with scarves while preserving their dress style that included wearing tight pants and body-hugging tops.
TV preacher Amr Khaled was one cleric who is considered to have introduced this neo-Islamic conservative trend.
Khaled, who abandoned the traditional scholarly robe for a suit and a tie, seemed to use a different tone of preaching that quickly captivated many of Egypt's younger people, many who usually left the mosque with teary eyes and a strong resolve to get closer to God.
Prayer, fasting and reading Koran became more common and Hijab for the girls was no exception.
Although scholars are divided about whether the scarf and the traditional Islamic gown is 'an obligation,' Khaled and several preachers who gradually rose to popularity, vehemently advocate it.
But as stricter forms of Hijab started to be widely adopted, another view emerged - that the veil has been used by radical scholars to 'control' and constrain women.
The rise of 'conservatism' seemed to go out of proportion, as certain apparel like the opaque face-veils and head-to-toe cloaks began to spread. This was also coupled by the 'inactivity' of some women who chose to confine themselves at home after donning the veil.
Many liberals feared that this trend may introduce to Egypt elements of 'backwardness' that are imported from Arab countries which promote a more rigid form of Islamic practice.
In a newspaper column, Islamic intellectual Mohammad Emara wrote against what he called 'Islamic transgressors' who use Hijab as a 'tool' to oppress Muslim women.
Emara said these people, who are engaged in a power struggle with women, force upon them a stringent lifestyle that is not necessarily compatible with what Islam preaches, and which is 'more political' than it is religious.
Emara advocated the headscarf but said that some scholars 'are attempting to push women back to the age of harem' with the Hijab.
Caught in the row between the contemptuous liberals and the uncompromising hardliners, some young women like Naira continue to struggle for 'a balance' between Islamic practice and living their life to the fullest 'without sin.'
Even with a veil on, Naira - a single mother - remained committed to a full-time day job as a business development manager, among other activities.
And after taking the veil off, Naira insists on 'practicing' Islam. And, she may return to covering her hair - 'when I am ready.'
But for her, the decision to take it on or to abandon it is both personal and religious - one that cannot be decided by preachers and their loyalists in the mosques.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1252962.php/Veil_off_-_one_womans_life-changing_decision
http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Veil_off_one_woman_s_life_changing__01282007.html
Monday, January 01, 2007
DPA: Political conflicts seep into Lebanon's classrooms
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Jan 1, 2007, 2:25 GMT
Beirut - Political conflict has seeped into classrooms as college and high-school students and even children take sides while Lebanon suffers under a deteriorating political standoff.
'Are you (the ruling) March 14 (Forces) or opposition? the kids at my school always ask me nowadays,' says a young veiled student aged around 15, adding that fellow students once threatened her with a stick as they asked her who she supported.
Lebanon has been witnessing political turmoil since clashes erupted between opposition forces and the government several weeks ago.
The Shiite Amal and Hezbollah movements withdrew their support from the government, freezing their parliamentary membership and urging followers to take to the street in a sit-in that has been ongoing since December 1.
In two of Lebanon's main squares, hundreds of opposition remain gathered under white tents, holding rallies every night and bringing family and friends to join in.
Their attempt to topple Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's regime and to discredit Saad Hariri - leader of Future party and son of slain leader Rafik Hariri - have met a rigid stand from Seniora's regime.
Supporters of the government also have held rallies, but their voices were always drowned by the daily festival-like protests that the opposition held in the squares in they occupy.
Children and teens have been joining in the rhetoric. Political discussions and outspoken support for certain factions have led some schools to impose a 'punishment' system in which students lose points if they 'talk politics', whether in class or on the playground.
Teachers and professors were also banned from publicly expressing their political standpoints.
'But they can't hold themselves back. The teachers tell us not to discuss politics, but they discuss it despite themselves,' says Khaled el-Arabi, a Sunni high school student, who supports the opposition.
But while many of the opposition claim it is 'healthy' to talk politics, just as many school headmasters have told the press recently that the conflicts are tearing their students apart, dividing them and sometimes leading to rowdy arguments and fights.
'It bothers me that it has affected students so much,' says Mohammed, a 16-year-old at a private college. 'We clash. In some arguments, I feel that I might lose a friend because of differences.'
Two young opposition supporters, who refused to give their names, say they have been 'disciplined' by their college professor for expressing their views. 'They don't want fights because of this,' says one.
On the first day of the opposition's sit-in, a witness said a fight erupted between young rival supporters in one of Beirut's neighbourhoods. Even young children barged in and threw stones at each another.
Observers have told local TV and radio talk shows that while being 'politicized' can be healthy in adults or college students, it is not so for children aged 10 or 12, and they back the school ban on political discussions.
Some also say the children should not be blamed, but their parents. In protests, children often simply tag along, and so come to repeat what their parents say - perhaps without full realization. Because of the protests, many have become outspoken.
Speaking to a small group of the Hezbollah 'al-Mahdi' Girl Scout, all no older than 12, makes clear they are more involved than their ages suggests.
Listing reasons why Seniora's government was 'illegitimate' and how the premier had failed Lebanese people during last summer's 33- day conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, the girls are passionate and outspoken as they state what they 'believe in'.
Using words like 'democracy,' 'a need for a clean government' and knowing the names of American foreign diplomats, the girls sound beyond their age.
Nevertheless, some say they are facing problems because of politics and lack of 'tolerance.'
Zeinab, a 10-year-old member of Hezbollah's al-Mahdi Girl Scouts, says: 'One teacher told me 'if girls like you (from Hezbollah) stop going to school, Lebanon will be free and liberated'.'
Zeinab says she has asked to be moved to a Hezbollah-dominated school because of such comments, 'and to also be among my friends.'
At another level, some argue that students - no matter how old or young - are distracted by the protests, and that the hyped political activities are ruining the school year as end-of-term exams approach.
'I'm failing some subjects because of this,' says el-Arabi, the Sunni student, explaining that he is 'a clever' student.
El-Arabi's friends, standing at his side, also say they lost marks because they have often abandoned studies in order to go watch the festival-like rallies held every day.
And a headmaster has recently told the pan-Arab al-Arabiya television that some children have used the rallies as an excuse to skip school.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1238567.php/Political_conflicts_seep_into_Lebanons_classrooms
http://www.aina.org/news/20070101154018.htm
By Pakinam Amer
Jan 1, 2007, 2:25 GMT
Beirut - Political conflict has seeped into classrooms as college and high-school students and even children take sides while Lebanon suffers under a deteriorating political standoff.
'Are you (the ruling) March 14 (Forces) or opposition? the kids at my school always ask me nowadays,' says a young veiled student aged around 15, adding that fellow students once threatened her with a stick as they asked her who she supported.
Lebanon has been witnessing political turmoil since clashes erupted between opposition forces and the government several weeks ago.
The Shiite Amal and Hezbollah movements withdrew their support from the government, freezing their parliamentary membership and urging followers to take to the street in a sit-in that has been ongoing since December 1.
In two of Lebanon's main squares, hundreds of opposition remain gathered under white tents, holding rallies every night and bringing family and friends to join in.
Their attempt to topple Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's regime and to discredit Saad Hariri - leader of Future party and son of slain leader Rafik Hariri - have met a rigid stand from Seniora's regime.
Supporters of the government also have held rallies, but their voices were always drowned by the daily festival-like protests that the opposition held in the squares in they occupy.
Children and teens have been joining in the rhetoric. Political discussions and outspoken support for certain factions have led some schools to impose a 'punishment' system in which students lose points if they 'talk politics', whether in class or on the playground.
Teachers and professors were also banned from publicly expressing their political standpoints.
'But they can't hold themselves back. The teachers tell us not to discuss politics, but they discuss it despite themselves,' says Khaled el-Arabi, a Sunni high school student, who supports the opposition.
But while many of the opposition claim it is 'healthy' to talk politics, just as many school headmasters have told the press recently that the conflicts are tearing their students apart, dividing them and sometimes leading to rowdy arguments and fights.
'It bothers me that it has affected students so much,' says Mohammed, a 16-year-old at a private college. 'We clash. In some arguments, I feel that I might lose a friend because of differences.'
Two young opposition supporters, who refused to give their names, say they have been 'disciplined' by their college professor for expressing their views. 'They don't want fights because of this,' says one.
On the first day of the opposition's sit-in, a witness said a fight erupted between young rival supporters in one of Beirut's neighbourhoods. Even young children barged in and threw stones at each another.
Observers have told local TV and radio talk shows that while being 'politicized' can be healthy in adults or college students, it is not so for children aged 10 or 12, and they back the school ban on political discussions.
Some also say the children should not be blamed, but their parents. In protests, children often simply tag along, and so come to repeat what their parents say - perhaps without full realization. Because of the protests, many have become outspoken.
Speaking to a small group of the Hezbollah 'al-Mahdi' Girl Scout, all no older than 12, makes clear they are more involved than their ages suggests.
Listing reasons why Seniora's government was 'illegitimate' and how the premier had failed Lebanese people during last summer's 33- day conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, the girls are passionate and outspoken as they state what they 'believe in'.
Using words like 'democracy,' 'a need for a clean government' and knowing the names of American foreign diplomats, the girls sound beyond their age.
Nevertheless, some say they are facing problems because of politics and lack of 'tolerance.'
Zeinab, a 10-year-old member of Hezbollah's al-Mahdi Girl Scouts, says: 'One teacher told me 'if girls like you (from Hezbollah) stop going to school, Lebanon will be free and liberated'.'
Zeinab says she has asked to be moved to a Hezbollah-dominated school because of such comments, 'and to also be among my friends.'
At another level, some argue that students - no matter how old or young - are distracted by the protests, and that the hyped political activities are ruining the school year as end-of-term exams approach.
'I'm failing some subjects because of this,' says el-Arabi, the Sunni student, explaining that he is 'a clever' student.
El-Arabi's friends, standing at his side, also say they lost marks because they have often abandoned studies in order to go watch the festival-like rallies held every day.
And a headmaster has recently told the pan-Arab al-Arabiya television that some children have used the rallies as an excuse to skip school.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1238567.php/Political_conflicts_seep_into_Lebanons_classrooms
http://www.aina.org/news/20070101154018.htm
Friday, December 29, 2006
DPA: Jumblatt remarks spark anger - reconciliation at risk
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 29, 2006, 17:50 GMT
Beirut - Druze leader Walid Jumblatt's recent statements against Hezbollah have sparked heated criticism from the opposition and applause from some Lebanese government supporters as the end of the 'feasts truce' approaches.
Jumblatt, an ally of Prime Minister Fouad Seniora and of the Future party, recently accused Hezbollah and Syria of plotting assassinations of Lebanese leaders, deeming Hezbollah unpatriotic and 'not Lebanese.'
In the opposition camps, where protestors and opposition members have been holding a sit-in for nearly a month in front of Seniora's office, people said they were used to Jumblatt's controversial statements.
But some pro-Syrian Hezbollah supporters were angry at what they called Jumblatt's 'defamatory' remarks.
A Hezbollah spokesman was quoted as saying that Jumblatt was trying to 'denigrate everything that the resistance (Hezbollah) has stood for.'
Around the camp, even some government supporters voiced doubts that Jumblatt would ever stick to his statements.
'Now (the rival forces) are engaged in verbal fights. But when they reach a deadlock, they will all change their positions and Jumblatt himself will put his hands in the hands of Hezbollah,' said one Sunni Future party supporter.
Others said the criticism of Hezbollah was not new, and that Syria was indeed considered responsible for assassinations of Lebanese leaders - way before Jumblatt's remarks were made.
Jumblatt's statements came after a month-long demonstrations, staged by Shiite Hezbollah, Amal and their Christian ally Michelle Aoun.
The demonstrations were sparked after Seniora approved a UN tribunal to try those suspected of playing a role in the February 2005 bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
A UN inquiry has implicated Syria in the plot against Hariri, who vocally opposed Damascus' then control of the country.
In statements to the pan-Arab Al-Arabiya channel, Jumblatt said that Syria was trying to form another secluded state inside Lebanon - represented in Hezbollah, a movement which, says Jumblatt, owns 'death squads'.
The outspoken leader added that Shiite Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah was taking his orders from the Sunni Syrian and Shiite Iranian regimes.
'Is it right that (Bashar) Assad and his men, men like Hassan Nasrallah, create a nation inside the (Lebanese) state? And (for Nasrallah) to take his orders from Syria and Iran?' Jumblatt asked in an al-Arabiya interview.
'(Nasrallah) has his followers, his arms, and his culture - which is against our culture. His culture is one of misery, martyrdom, and sorrow,' he added.
Jumblat took his criticism even further, warning the young Syrian president 'who is murdering free people in Lebanon' that there would be a 'Nawaf' for him - a sort of a freedom-fighter from anywhere inside Lebanon.
Nawaf Ghazaleh is a Syrian Druze assassin who shot to death ex- Syrian president Adib Shishakli.
'If the UN tribunal is hindered, we will all be Nawaf,' added Jumblatt.
In response, opposition leaders have described Jumblatt's statement as 'hostile.'
Across anti-government media outlets, the leaders said Jumblatt's statements could mark an end to the already fragile 'feasts truce'.
Jumblatt also criticized Nabih Berri, ally of Hezbollah, speaker of the Lebanese National Assembly and leader of Amal, who told the press earlier that he will introduce a new 'initiative' aiming at reconciliation and suggesting resolutions to end the current political standoff.
In Beirut-based al-Akhbar newspaper, Berri's suggestions were said to reportedly include a quota-based government board whose duty is to review and approve the UN tribunal, where three of the board members would be from the ruling party, three from the opposition in addition to four independent officers.
The 10-member board, according to the newspaper, should also prepare for new presidential and parliamentary elections.
So far, the details of the initiative were not disclosed and reports by al-Akhbar remain unconfirmed.
According to Berri, the full details of initiative will be announced within 10 days.
Pan-Arab TV channels had also said that this initiative will be solidified by Saudi and Iranian leaders, who are willing to facilitate the meditation between the Lebanese rival parties.
According to Al-Arabiya, the 'reconciliation' could occur on 'a Saudi table of negotiations.'
Berri is also said to have met privately with leaders of rival factions.
Berri's initiative had also coincided with statements that Saad Hariri, son of slain premier Rafik Hariri and Future party leader, had made during the truce.
Hariri had said that he was 'confident' that the UN inquiry into the killing of his father would 'see light soon.'
However, Jumblatt's statements perhaps will escalate the issues further - as observers note- after people saw a 'glimpse of hope' following Berri's and Hariri's statements.
In his remarks to Al-Arabiya, Jumblatt did not exclude Berri - considered a moderate voice in the opposition - from his fiery criticism, declaring: 'Berri is a hostage (in Hezbollah's hands) and he is threatened.'
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237979.php/Jumblatt_remarks_spark_anger_-_reconciliation_at_risk
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 29, 2006, 17:50 GMT
Beirut - Druze leader Walid Jumblatt's recent statements against Hezbollah have sparked heated criticism from the opposition and applause from some Lebanese government supporters as the end of the 'feasts truce' approaches.
Jumblatt, an ally of Prime Minister Fouad Seniora and of the Future party, recently accused Hezbollah and Syria of plotting assassinations of Lebanese leaders, deeming Hezbollah unpatriotic and 'not Lebanese.'
In the opposition camps, where protestors and opposition members have been holding a sit-in for nearly a month in front of Seniora's office, people said they were used to Jumblatt's controversial statements.
But some pro-Syrian Hezbollah supporters were angry at what they called Jumblatt's 'defamatory' remarks.
A Hezbollah spokesman was quoted as saying that Jumblatt was trying to 'denigrate everything that the resistance (Hezbollah) has stood for.'
Around the camp, even some government supporters voiced doubts that Jumblatt would ever stick to his statements.
'Now (the rival forces) are engaged in verbal fights. But when they reach a deadlock, they will all change their positions and Jumblatt himself will put his hands in the hands of Hezbollah,' said one Sunni Future party supporter.
Others said the criticism of Hezbollah was not new, and that Syria was indeed considered responsible for assassinations of Lebanese leaders - way before Jumblatt's remarks were made.
Jumblatt's statements came after a month-long demonstrations, staged by Shiite Hezbollah, Amal and their Christian ally Michelle Aoun.
The demonstrations were sparked after Seniora approved a UN tribunal to try those suspected of playing a role in the February 2005 bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
A UN inquiry has implicated Syria in the plot against Hariri, who vocally opposed Damascus' then control of the country.
In statements to the pan-Arab Al-Arabiya channel, Jumblatt said that Syria was trying to form another secluded state inside Lebanon - represented in Hezbollah, a movement which, says Jumblatt, owns 'death squads'.
The outspoken leader added that Shiite Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah was taking his orders from the Sunni Syrian and Shiite Iranian regimes.
'Is it right that (Bashar) Assad and his men, men like Hassan Nasrallah, create a nation inside the (Lebanese) state? And (for Nasrallah) to take his orders from Syria and Iran?' Jumblatt asked in an al-Arabiya interview.
'(Nasrallah) has his followers, his arms, and his culture - which is against our culture. His culture is one of misery, martyrdom, and sorrow,' he added.
Jumblat took his criticism even further, warning the young Syrian president 'who is murdering free people in Lebanon' that there would be a 'Nawaf' for him - a sort of a freedom-fighter from anywhere inside Lebanon.
Nawaf Ghazaleh is a Syrian Druze assassin who shot to death ex- Syrian president Adib Shishakli.
'If the UN tribunal is hindered, we will all be Nawaf,' added Jumblatt.
In response, opposition leaders have described Jumblatt's statement as 'hostile.'
Across anti-government media outlets, the leaders said Jumblatt's statements could mark an end to the already fragile 'feasts truce'.
Jumblatt also criticized Nabih Berri, ally of Hezbollah, speaker of the Lebanese National Assembly and leader of Amal, who told the press earlier that he will introduce a new 'initiative' aiming at reconciliation and suggesting resolutions to end the current political standoff.
In Beirut-based al-Akhbar newspaper, Berri's suggestions were said to reportedly include a quota-based government board whose duty is to review and approve the UN tribunal, where three of the board members would be from the ruling party, three from the opposition in addition to four independent officers.
The 10-member board, according to the newspaper, should also prepare for new presidential and parliamentary elections.
So far, the details of the initiative were not disclosed and reports by al-Akhbar remain unconfirmed.
According to Berri, the full details of initiative will be announced within 10 days.
Pan-Arab TV channels had also said that this initiative will be solidified by Saudi and Iranian leaders, who are willing to facilitate the meditation between the Lebanese rival parties.
According to Al-Arabiya, the 'reconciliation' could occur on 'a Saudi table of negotiations.'
Berri is also said to have met privately with leaders of rival factions.
Berri's initiative had also coincided with statements that Saad Hariri, son of slain premier Rafik Hariri and Future party leader, had made during the truce.
Hariri had said that he was 'confident' that the UN inquiry into the killing of his father would 'see light soon.'
However, Jumblatt's statements perhaps will escalate the issues further - as observers note- after people saw a 'glimpse of hope' following Berri's and Hariri's statements.
In his remarks to Al-Arabiya, Jumblatt did not exclude Berri - considered a moderate voice in the opposition - from his fiery criticism, declaring: 'Berri is a hostage (in Hezbollah's hands) and he is threatened.'
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237979.php/Jumblatt_remarks_spark_anger_-_reconciliation_at_risk
DPA: Protestors vow to stay in Beirut's tent city despite cold
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 29, 2006, 14:02 GMT
Beirut - As the winter chill moves into Beirut, protestors are constructing what they call 'the opposition tent city,' vowing not to give in to lower temperatures or abandon their demonstration against Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's government.
The largely Hezbollah-backed opponents, who have been staking out their place in central Beirut for a month, were busily filling their tents with supplies and other winter necessities not far from where Seniora and his cabinet have sought refuge, separated only by the Lebanese army and metres of barbed wire.
The pro-Syrian Hezbollah, along with the Amal movement and their Christian ally Michel Aoun, have been leading the month-long protest, leaving the embattled country in a political standoff with no end in sight.
The demonstrations were sparked after Seniora approved a UN tribunal to try those suspected of playing a role in the February 2005 bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
A UN inquiry has implicated Syria in the plot against Hariri, who vocally opposed Damascus' then occupation of the country.
Each of the factions has established a separate make-shift camp in Beirut's once-chic squares, with Amal and Hezbollah occupying Riad al-Solh square, the largest spot in close proximity to the Ottoman- era governmental palace where Seniora and members of his cabinet have sought sanctuary since the beginning of December.
'If they're playing the time game, thinking we will get bored as time goes by, they should know that they are wrong and that we will win,' a young Hezbollah supporter said.
Seniora, who strictly opposes a Syrian role in internal Lebanese affairs, has refused to back down, saying the protestors 'will not scare us' in a recent address to the nation. The crisis has drawn a great deal of attention in the region, but attempts to end the stalemate have been unsuccessful.
Seniora's cabinet has done little to break up the protest but has steadfastly refused to give in to the demands of its leaders, raising questions about how long the protestors can keep up the pressure.
After Nabih Berry, speaker of the Lebanese National Assembly and leader of Amal, declared that initiatives to end the dispute between the government and opposition failed, the protestors have hardened their stance.
Reports on Thursday said Arab League Secretary General Amr Mussa may cancel plans to return to Lebanon if both sides continue to show no willingness to compromise.
Ya Libnan news reported that Mussa's return is 'not guaranteed' if he does not receive 'encouraging and tangible signals' from the rival sides. Mussa said last week he would do everything possible to end the standoff but that both sides had to work out the 'details.'
Some analysts believe Mussa's effort is doomed to fail because of the continued verbal barrages between government officials and the protestors, and there are concerns the opposition will become more aggressive in their demonstrations.
Meanwhile, the protestors have continued assembling their 'tent city,' stockpiling water, food, pillows and blankets while taking an occasional break to attend lectures.
'Not everyone can afford to stay here and pay for food and water every day, so we decided to take on this mission,' said a senior coordinator in the Amal movement who asked his name be withheld.
'We're trying to make these tents as hospitable as possible,' he said, adding the protests could last all winter 'for all we know.'
'We're not leaving until the government steps down,' another opposition supporter exclaimed.
Firmly pinned tents have been raised above the ground by rock tiles and layered with plastic to protect them against the rain and possible flooding. There are portable toilets and the tent have mats, blankets, electricity and in some cases televisions or radios powered by generators supplied by Hezbollah and Amal.
The Amal aide insisted that the funding for the sit-in was coming from Lebanese sympathetic to the movement, but there has also been speculation that Iran and Syria are funding the protests to assert their influence in the country.
But nevertheless, the protestors remain determined. A group of Hezbollah youths told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that they 'could stay here forever.'
'We will not give up. We could stay here (in the camps) for years,' said one member as others signalled their agreement.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237794.php/Protestors_vow_to_stay_in_Beiruts_tent_city_despite_cold
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 29, 2006, 14:02 GMT
Beirut - As the winter chill moves into Beirut, protestors are constructing what they call 'the opposition tent city,' vowing not to give in to lower temperatures or abandon their demonstration against Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's government.
The largely Hezbollah-backed opponents, who have been staking out their place in central Beirut for a month, were busily filling their tents with supplies and other winter necessities not far from where Seniora and his cabinet have sought refuge, separated only by the Lebanese army and metres of barbed wire.
The pro-Syrian Hezbollah, along with the Amal movement and their Christian ally Michel Aoun, have been leading the month-long protest, leaving the embattled country in a political standoff with no end in sight.
The demonstrations were sparked after Seniora approved a UN tribunal to try those suspected of playing a role in the February 2005 bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
A UN inquiry has implicated Syria in the plot against Hariri, who vocally opposed Damascus' then occupation of the country.
Each of the factions has established a separate make-shift camp in Beirut's once-chic squares, with Amal and Hezbollah occupying Riad al-Solh square, the largest spot in close proximity to the Ottoman- era governmental palace where Seniora and members of his cabinet have sought sanctuary since the beginning of December.
'If they're playing the time game, thinking we will get bored as time goes by, they should know that they are wrong and that we will win,' a young Hezbollah supporter said.
Seniora, who strictly opposes a Syrian role in internal Lebanese affairs, has refused to back down, saying the protestors 'will not scare us' in a recent address to the nation. The crisis has drawn a great deal of attention in the region, but attempts to end the stalemate have been unsuccessful.
Seniora's cabinet has done little to break up the protest but has steadfastly refused to give in to the demands of its leaders, raising questions about how long the protestors can keep up the pressure.
After Nabih Berry, speaker of the Lebanese National Assembly and leader of Amal, declared that initiatives to end the dispute between the government and opposition failed, the protestors have hardened their stance.
Reports on Thursday said Arab League Secretary General Amr Mussa may cancel plans to return to Lebanon if both sides continue to show no willingness to compromise.
Ya Libnan news reported that Mussa's return is 'not guaranteed' if he does not receive 'encouraging and tangible signals' from the rival sides. Mussa said last week he would do everything possible to end the standoff but that both sides had to work out the 'details.'
Some analysts believe Mussa's effort is doomed to fail because of the continued verbal barrages between government officials and the protestors, and there are concerns the opposition will become more aggressive in their demonstrations.
Meanwhile, the protestors have continued assembling their 'tent city,' stockpiling water, food, pillows and blankets while taking an occasional break to attend lectures.
'Not everyone can afford to stay here and pay for food and water every day, so we decided to take on this mission,' said a senior coordinator in the Amal movement who asked his name be withheld.
'We're trying to make these tents as hospitable as possible,' he said, adding the protests could last all winter 'for all we know.'
'We're not leaving until the government steps down,' another opposition supporter exclaimed.
Firmly pinned tents have been raised above the ground by rock tiles and layered with plastic to protect them against the rain and possible flooding. There are portable toilets and the tent have mats, blankets, electricity and in some cases televisions or radios powered by generators supplied by Hezbollah and Amal.
The Amal aide insisted that the funding for the sit-in was coming from Lebanese sympathetic to the movement, but there has also been speculation that Iran and Syria are funding the protests to assert their influence in the country.
But nevertheless, the protestors remain determined. A group of Hezbollah youths told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that they 'could stay here forever.'
'We will not give up. We could stay here (in the camps) for years,' said one member as others signalled their agreement.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237794.php/Protestors_vow_to_stay_in_Beiruts_tent_city_despite_cold
Thursday, December 28, 2006
DPA: Advert campaigns rage on between rival factions in Beirut
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 28, 2006, 11:41 GMT
Beirut - The cold war between rival political factions in Beirut has invaded a new sphere - advertisements, street billboards and even Christmas promotions.
Across radio channels, local television networks, and even on billboards in and around Beirut, both the opposition on one side and the government on another have launched ad campaigns to boost their cause.
After sitting-in in makeshift camps on two main squares for almost a month, the pro-Syrian opposition is now trying to pressure the government verbally.
These verbal conflicts foreshadow - in the eyes of some observers - a form of a 'civil strife' that is expected to intensify even more after the end of the 'feasts truce' that is currently in effect.
'I love life' is the title of the campaign that the government has recently launched against its rivals.
The campaign is coupled with rallies and a high-profile concert whose tickets are sold for low prices - about the price of a meal. The New Year 'government' concert is to be held in the same area in which the opposition tents are standing.
On larger than life red-and-white billboards and on banners stretched across buildings, supporters of the government - mainly the Future party led by Saad Hariri son of slain Premier Rafiq Hariri - have written that they 'love life.'
Generally, over the past few weeks, and since the anti-government pro-Syrian demonstrations began, supporters of the government deemed their rivals were 'not keen' on Lebanon's future and not so much attached to a 'peaceful life' as they are.
The opposition - led by Shiite Hezbollah and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun - were held to be 'unpatriotic' in the eyes of many, and were considered bearers of 'chaos.'
The campaign was seen as an act of defiance against the opposition which has vowed to topple Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's government and has threatened 'civil disobedience' if their demands are not met.
In response to the 'I love life' campaign, many of the opposition rushed down to the protest squares with banners and signs reading: 'We love life too.'
'I love life too,' said Osama, an opposition member of the Marada faction, who gave only his first name.
'They don't love life. What kind of life do they love? They love the American and Israeli life only,' said another Maronite opposition member standing nearby.
The Lebanese cabinet has been under fire lately for holding talks with the United States, and was considered to have taken a 'passive' stance towards the recent Israeli offensive on Lebanon. 'They're not showing the truth,' said Osama.
'These (government) logos mean nothing to me,' said Robert Hanna, a Maronite supporter of Hezbollah and Marada faction, regarding the 'I love life' campaign.
'They want to make it sound like it's a war between people who love life and people who don't,' he said.
'They are also trying to turn it into a sectarian strife. Shiite and Sunni Muslims, Christian leaders are both against the government. It's strictly political,' Hanna added.
In a counter campaign to that of the government, the protestors hung enormous posters and banners featuring their leaders - and most importantly a poster featuring Seniora greeting US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice by hugging her.
The giant poster of Rice and Seniora read: 'Thank you for your patience Condi; some of our children are still alive.'
The poster was meant to remind the opposition of what they described as the 'wavering position' of the government in face of the 'American and Zionist' enemy.
The United States is seen by many Lebanese as the first and foremost ally of Israel and was strongly labelled as an 'enemy' after its failure to restrain Israel in its 33-day-war against the Hezbollah in Lebanon last summer.
It is also believed among many opposition members, one Hezbollah supporter explained that the 'US during the last war was fuelling Israel with the same weapons that Israel used to shoot down our children.'
In independent radio and television channels, the war of imagery and words is not apparent. However, the Christmas advertisement and promotion campaigns became politicized in spite of themselves.
In a radio advertisement for a Christmas gift shop, the promotion mocks - or even utilizes - the dissent between the government 'majority' and the opposition 'minority.'
'Majority or minority; they were brought together by our gift,' said the advertisement which boasts that the gift shop has united - more likely attracted - supporters of both factions.
Other Christmas store and product promotions carry lines like 'gifts for all the Lebanese' clearly playing on the line that many Lebanese are divided but these products are 'for all' - and not for a certain faction or party.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237369.php/Advert_campaigns_rage_on_between_rival_factions_in_Beirut
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_6601-Advert-Campaigns-Rage-On-Between-Rival-Factions-In-Beirut.html
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 28, 2006, 11:41 GMT
Beirut - The cold war between rival political factions in Beirut has invaded a new sphere - advertisements, street billboards and even Christmas promotions.
Across radio channels, local television networks, and even on billboards in and around Beirut, both the opposition on one side and the government on another have launched ad campaigns to boost their cause.
After sitting-in in makeshift camps on two main squares for almost a month, the pro-Syrian opposition is now trying to pressure the government verbally.
These verbal conflicts foreshadow - in the eyes of some observers - a form of a 'civil strife' that is expected to intensify even more after the end of the 'feasts truce' that is currently in effect.
'I love life' is the title of the campaign that the government has recently launched against its rivals.
The campaign is coupled with rallies and a high-profile concert whose tickets are sold for low prices - about the price of a meal. The New Year 'government' concert is to be held in the same area in which the opposition tents are standing.
On larger than life red-and-white billboards and on banners stretched across buildings, supporters of the government - mainly the Future party led by Saad Hariri son of slain Premier Rafiq Hariri - have written that they 'love life.'
Generally, over the past few weeks, and since the anti-government pro-Syrian demonstrations began, supporters of the government deemed their rivals were 'not keen' on Lebanon's future and not so much attached to a 'peaceful life' as they are.
The opposition - led by Shiite Hezbollah and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun - were held to be 'unpatriotic' in the eyes of many, and were considered bearers of 'chaos.'
The campaign was seen as an act of defiance against the opposition which has vowed to topple Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's government and has threatened 'civil disobedience' if their demands are not met.
In response to the 'I love life' campaign, many of the opposition rushed down to the protest squares with banners and signs reading: 'We love life too.'
'I love life too,' said Osama, an opposition member of the Marada faction, who gave only his first name.
'They don't love life. What kind of life do they love? They love the American and Israeli life only,' said another Maronite opposition member standing nearby.
The Lebanese cabinet has been under fire lately for holding talks with the United States, and was considered to have taken a 'passive' stance towards the recent Israeli offensive on Lebanon. 'They're not showing the truth,' said Osama.
'These (government) logos mean nothing to me,' said Robert Hanna, a Maronite supporter of Hezbollah and Marada faction, regarding the 'I love life' campaign.
'They want to make it sound like it's a war between people who love life and people who don't,' he said.
'They are also trying to turn it into a sectarian strife. Shiite and Sunni Muslims, Christian leaders are both against the government. It's strictly political,' Hanna added.
In a counter campaign to that of the government, the protestors hung enormous posters and banners featuring their leaders - and most importantly a poster featuring Seniora greeting US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice by hugging her.
The giant poster of Rice and Seniora read: 'Thank you for your patience Condi; some of our children are still alive.'
The poster was meant to remind the opposition of what they described as the 'wavering position' of the government in face of the 'American and Zionist' enemy.
The United States is seen by many Lebanese as the first and foremost ally of Israel and was strongly labelled as an 'enemy' after its failure to restrain Israel in its 33-day-war against the Hezbollah in Lebanon last summer.
It is also believed among many opposition members, one Hezbollah supporter explained that the 'US during the last war was fuelling Israel with the same weapons that Israel used to shoot down our children.'
In independent radio and television channels, the war of imagery and words is not apparent. However, the Christmas advertisement and promotion campaigns became politicized in spite of themselves.
In a radio advertisement for a Christmas gift shop, the promotion mocks - or even utilizes - the dissent between the government 'majority' and the opposition 'minority.'
'Majority or minority; they were brought together by our gift,' said the advertisement which boasts that the gift shop has united - more likely attracted - supporters of both factions.
Other Christmas store and product promotions carry lines like 'gifts for all the Lebanese' clearly playing on the line that many Lebanese are divided but these products are 'for all' - and not for a certain faction or party.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237369.php/Advert_campaigns_rage_on_between_rival_factions_in_Beirut
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_6601-Advert-Campaigns-Rage-On-Between-Rival-Factions-In-Beirut.html
Tuesday, December 26, 2006
DPA: Little festive cheer in Beirut as business suffers
Middle East Features
Pakinam Amer
Dec 26, 2006, 18:50 GMT
Beirut - It's Christmas but the once-thriving central Beirut has almost turned into a ghost city.
Services across downtown Beirut have lost most of their regular clients in the past weeks forcing some business to close down to avoid more financial losses.
Meanwhile, their owners have pleaded for a resolution to the unrest so that they would at least 'feel the Christmas and Eid-al- Adha (feast of sacrifice) spirit.'
'This is a disaster; if the situation stays as such, we're not going to make it after the season. We're forced to close like other restaurants,' said Elie Zouein, manager of a sushi restaurant, which was always full before the troubles began.
A few metres from Zouein's colourful sushi place - decorated in red, gold and green in a far-eastern hip style - is the Ottoman-era government palace where Prime Minister Fouad Seniora has sought sanctuary as thousands of protestors demand his resignation.
Around the palace, hundreds of pro-Syrian opposition protesters have established a make-shift camp since December 1, transforming the once elegant area into a battlefield between the anti-American opposition forces and what they deemed the illegitimate and pro- American loyalist regime.
The opposition, led by Shiite Hezbollah and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun, are pressing Seniora, a Sunni Muslim, for a greater share of power in a national unity government.
The anti-Syrian majority, however, says this demand is only a move to block the formation of an international tribunal to try suspects in the 2005 assassination of former premier Rafik Hariri.
So far the government has not responded to provocations by the opposition, which holds loud anti-government concerts, talk-shows broadcast live from the camps and rowdy festival-like rallies almost every night.
However, the negative economic repercussions of the opposition camps have by far surpassed its political ones.
Roads leading into downtown Beirut swarm with security elements - police forces, in addition to Hezbollah 'indibat' (Discipline) youth dressed in black and Aoun-affiliated security elements dressed in leather jackets tagged 'Hawks.'
Checkpoints and barbed wire cordon off certain parts, and some streets are entirely sealed off. Shoppers are obliged to tell police their destination before they are allowed into the centre of the once-blossoming area.
The situation has also sent downtown customers flocking to other less troublesome places. Some people have chosen to stay at home during the holidays, which businessmen say is pushing them towards the brink of 'bankruptcy.'
However, those hawking coffee, flags and fruit juices are apparently profiting from the protests although the demonstrators themselves pay little attention to the deteriorating economic situation.
'No one asked these people to close down their places,' said Hoda Eissa, a female higher-ranking member of Hezbollah. 'Actually, our protests attract many people to this area. Look around you, there is hundreds of people here.'
'The protestors are separated from the downtown area by the Lebanese army,' responded Tony Eid, head of a local traders and businessmen union.
'Those who head to the downtown are protestors not shoppers. We haven't seen any of them sitting at a restaurant or going around the shops.'
'They have caused paralysis to the area,' said Eid. An economic analyst told a local TV station there had been a decline of more than 80 per cent in downtown activity over the past weeks.
The restaurant manager, 24-year-old Zouein, sits in his empty restaurant and the Maronite Christian gave full vent to frustration, saying, 'The holiday season is ruined,' putting on some Christmas carols to rekindle some inkling of festivity.
'After the war, we got back on our feet and then this issue of the opposition rose and everything went down again,' he said.
But he has been forced to send home 12 staff home since the protests began, saying, 'I don't need waiters because nobody is coming.'
'In this situation, I don't take sides. I want the conflict to end.'
Zouein believes the future of Lebanon is dim and the political scene has forced him to take steps to leave the country for good.
'I'm struggling because I want to stay here. I have little brothers and little sisters, my friends, I have social life. I'm very happy in this country, I don't want to leave but they're forcing us to leave,' said Zouein.
Zouein and many others across Lebanon, expect some form of civil strife, if the situation escalates.
Protestors had announced recently that if their demands are not met, 'civil disobedience' after the feasts is inevitable.
'When I listen to their statements, I expect the worst,' said Zouein. 'We don't want war. We love life.'
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1236794.php/Little_festive_cheer_in_Beirut_as_business_suffers
http://www.playfuls.com/news_09_1498-Little-Festive-Cheer-In-Beirut-As-Business-Suffers.html
Pakinam Amer
Dec 26, 2006, 18:50 GMT
Beirut - It's Christmas but the once-thriving central Beirut has almost turned into a ghost city.
Services across downtown Beirut have lost most of their regular clients in the past weeks forcing some business to close down to avoid more financial losses.
Meanwhile, their owners have pleaded for a resolution to the unrest so that they would at least 'feel the Christmas and Eid-al- Adha (feast of sacrifice) spirit.'
'This is a disaster; if the situation stays as such, we're not going to make it after the season. We're forced to close like other restaurants,' said Elie Zouein, manager of a sushi restaurant, which was always full before the troubles began.
A few metres from Zouein's colourful sushi place - decorated in red, gold and green in a far-eastern hip style - is the Ottoman-era government palace where Prime Minister Fouad Seniora has sought sanctuary as thousands of protestors demand his resignation.
Around the palace, hundreds of pro-Syrian opposition protesters have established a make-shift camp since December 1, transforming the once elegant area into a battlefield between the anti-American opposition forces and what they deemed the illegitimate and pro- American loyalist regime.
The opposition, led by Shiite Hezbollah and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun, are pressing Seniora, a Sunni Muslim, for a greater share of power in a national unity government.
The anti-Syrian majority, however, says this demand is only a move to block the formation of an international tribunal to try suspects in the 2005 assassination of former premier Rafik Hariri.
So far the government has not responded to provocations by the opposition, which holds loud anti-government concerts, talk-shows broadcast live from the camps and rowdy festival-like rallies almost every night.
However, the negative economic repercussions of the opposition camps have by far surpassed its political ones.
Roads leading into downtown Beirut swarm with security elements - police forces, in addition to Hezbollah 'indibat' (Discipline) youth dressed in black and Aoun-affiliated security elements dressed in leather jackets tagged 'Hawks.'
Checkpoints and barbed wire cordon off certain parts, and some streets are entirely sealed off. Shoppers are obliged to tell police their destination before they are allowed into the centre of the once-blossoming area.
The situation has also sent downtown customers flocking to other less troublesome places. Some people have chosen to stay at home during the holidays, which businessmen say is pushing them towards the brink of 'bankruptcy.'
However, those hawking coffee, flags and fruit juices are apparently profiting from the protests although the demonstrators themselves pay little attention to the deteriorating economic situation.
'No one asked these people to close down their places,' said Hoda Eissa, a female higher-ranking member of Hezbollah. 'Actually, our protests attract many people to this area. Look around you, there is hundreds of people here.'
'The protestors are separated from the downtown area by the Lebanese army,' responded Tony Eid, head of a local traders and businessmen union.
'Those who head to the downtown are protestors not shoppers. We haven't seen any of them sitting at a restaurant or going around the shops.'
'They have caused paralysis to the area,' said Eid. An economic analyst told a local TV station there had been a decline of more than 80 per cent in downtown activity over the past weeks.
The restaurant manager, 24-year-old Zouein, sits in his empty restaurant and the Maronite Christian gave full vent to frustration, saying, 'The holiday season is ruined,' putting on some Christmas carols to rekindle some inkling of festivity.
'After the war, we got back on our feet and then this issue of the opposition rose and everything went down again,' he said.
But he has been forced to send home 12 staff home since the protests began, saying, 'I don't need waiters because nobody is coming.'
'In this situation, I don't take sides. I want the conflict to end.'
Zouein believes the future of Lebanon is dim and the political scene has forced him to take steps to leave the country for good.
'I'm struggling because I want to stay here. I have little brothers and little sisters, my friends, I have social life. I'm very happy in this country, I don't want to leave but they're forcing us to leave,' said Zouein.
Zouein and many others across Lebanon, expect some form of civil strife, if the situation escalates.
Protestors had announced recently that if their demands are not met, 'civil disobedience' after the feasts is inevitable.
'When I listen to their statements, I expect the worst,' said Zouein. 'We don't want war. We love life.'
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1236794.php/Little_festive_cheer_in_Beirut_as_business_suffers
http://www.playfuls.com/news_09_1498-Little-Festive-Cheer-In-Beirut-As-Business-Suffers.html
Monday, December 25, 2006
DPA: Lebanon's faiths mingle at Christmas Eve rally
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 25, 2006, 0:44 GMT
Beirut - Lebanese anti-government protesters united across religions Sunday for a high-spirited Christmas Eve street party, complete with balloons, drums, fireworks and a two-story-high Christmas tree.
Shiite Hezbollah members dressed as Santa Claus to entertain children, kids in coloured masks cheered, coffee and tobacco sellers hawked their wares and Lebanese flags fluttered in what was also the latest rally against the Western-backed government.
'Our main aim is for this government to step down, and we will not go home until they do. That's why I choose to celebrate here instead of my own home,' said Hoda al-Farjiya, a Christian, sitting under a white tent near Prime Minister Fouad Senior's government palace.
Hundreds of pro-Syrian opposition protesters have surrounded government offices in downtown Beirut since December 1, transforming the elegant area into a makeshift camp to bring pressure on a government they call illegitimate.
The opposition - Shiites and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun - are pressing Seniora, a Sunni Muslim, for a greater share of power.
The anti-Syrian majority sees this demand as a move to block the formation of an international tribunal to try suspects in the 2005 assassination of former premier Rafik Hariri.
Many Maronites joined Shiites from the Hezbollah and Amal movements Sunday night. Veiled women wore the Aoun bands; some Christian men wore crosses and miniature pendants depicting the sword of Ali - the Prophet Mohammed's cousin and a Shiite icon.
'In the past we used to say 'This is Christian' and 'This is Muslim.' Now we stand here together and say 'Religion is for God and Lebanon is for everyone',' said al-Farjiya.
'We lived together for the past month, we talked and we became companions. Now we understand each other and we're happy together,' she said.
A veiled woman dressed in black wore a scarf marked with Hezbollah's logo. But her daughter wore a green scarf in support of Marada, a Christian faction.
'I am a Hezbollah supporter but my daughter here is a supporter of the Maronite group,' the woman, Meriam, said of her daughter Fatema.
Meriam, who gave only her first name, planned to attend a Christmas mass at the Lebanese capital's Saint George's Church.
'I will stand side by side by my Christian brothers and sisters,' she said.
On Christmas Eve in the two main squares, the night of downtown Beirut was almost entirely coloured yellow, black, orange and green - the diverse colours representing the forces in the main coalition of the Hezbollah-led opposition.
Leaders of Hezbollah and the Sunni-based Islamic Unity whipped up the crowd and the chilly night air with speeches. 'Down with Seniora,' chanted the mixed hordes of Christians, Shiites and Sunnis.
'All my friends and I are here for Christmas. It couldn't be better and I can't hope for more. I'm very happy,' said a 16-year-old curly-haired Marwa, also a Christian Maronite.
Tony a friend of hers explained that they had been decorating for six days, preparing food and even baking cake at the fully-furnished camps.
Osama, who gave only his first name, was one Christian who said he would rather pray with Muslims from his own coalition than with fellow Christians from other Lebanese parties.
'We are all brothers in cause. Not Muslims or Christians anymore but Lebanese,' he said.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/printer_1236553.php
http://www.lebaneselobby.org/News__index/news%202006/12%2025%2006%20Lebanon's%20faiths%20mingle%20at%20Christmas%20Eve%20rally.html
http://www.rxpgnews.com/india/Lebanons-faiths-mingle-at-Christmas-eve-rally_9793.shtml
http://www.bruneitimes.com.bn/details.php?shape_ID=15088
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 25, 2006, 0:44 GMT
Beirut - Lebanese anti-government protesters united across religions Sunday for a high-spirited Christmas Eve street party, complete with balloons, drums, fireworks and a two-story-high Christmas tree.
Shiite Hezbollah members dressed as Santa Claus to entertain children, kids in coloured masks cheered, coffee and tobacco sellers hawked their wares and Lebanese flags fluttered in what was also the latest rally against the Western-backed government.
'Our main aim is for this government to step down, and we will not go home until they do. That's why I choose to celebrate here instead of my own home,' said Hoda al-Farjiya, a Christian, sitting under a white tent near Prime Minister Fouad Senior's government palace.
Hundreds of pro-Syrian opposition protesters have surrounded government offices in downtown Beirut since December 1, transforming the elegant area into a makeshift camp to bring pressure on a government they call illegitimate.
The opposition - Shiites and their Maronite Christian ally Michel Aoun - are pressing Seniora, a Sunni Muslim, for a greater share of power.
The anti-Syrian majority sees this demand as a move to block the formation of an international tribunal to try suspects in the 2005 assassination of former premier Rafik Hariri.
Many Maronites joined Shiites from the Hezbollah and Amal movements Sunday night. Veiled women wore the Aoun bands; some Christian men wore crosses and miniature pendants depicting the sword of Ali - the Prophet Mohammed's cousin and a Shiite icon.
'In the past we used to say 'This is Christian' and 'This is Muslim.' Now we stand here together and say 'Religion is for God and Lebanon is for everyone',' said al-Farjiya.
'We lived together for the past month, we talked and we became companions. Now we understand each other and we're happy together,' she said.
A veiled woman dressed in black wore a scarf marked with Hezbollah's logo. But her daughter wore a green scarf in support of Marada, a Christian faction.
'I am a Hezbollah supporter but my daughter here is a supporter of the Maronite group,' the woman, Meriam, said of her daughter Fatema.
Meriam, who gave only her first name, planned to attend a Christmas mass at the Lebanese capital's Saint George's Church.
'I will stand side by side by my Christian brothers and sisters,' she said.
On Christmas Eve in the two main squares, the night of downtown Beirut was almost entirely coloured yellow, black, orange and green - the diverse colours representing the forces in the main coalition of the Hezbollah-led opposition.
Leaders of Hezbollah and the Sunni-based Islamic Unity whipped up the crowd and the chilly night air with speeches. 'Down with Seniora,' chanted the mixed hordes of Christians, Shiites and Sunnis.
'All my friends and I are here for Christmas. It couldn't be better and I can't hope for more. I'm very happy,' said a 16-year-old curly-haired Marwa, also a Christian Maronite.
Tony a friend of hers explained that they had been decorating for six days, preparing food and even baking cake at the fully-furnished camps.
Osama, who gave only his first name, was one Christian who said he would rather pray with Muslims from his own coalition than with fellow Christians from other Lebanese parties.
'We are all brothers in cause. Not Muslims or Christians anymore but Lebanese,' he said.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/printer_1236553.php
http://www.lebaneselobby.org/News__index/news%202006/12%2025%2006%20Lebanon's%20faiths%20mingle%20at%20Christmas%20Eve%20rally.html
http://www.rxpgnews.com/india/Lebanons-faiths-mingle-at-Christmas-eve-rally_9793.shtml
http://www.bruneitimes.com.bn/details.php?shape_ID=15088
Thursday, December 21, 2006
DPA: Iran's influence in Middle East to rise in 2007
By Pakinam Amer
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Tuesday December 19, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo - Iran's influence in the Middle East could rise in 2007, unless there is a radical turnaround in events, in the view of observers and analysts in the region.
Forces opposed to the United States - the Syrian government, Shiites in Iraq and in Lebanon - are forging alliances with the Shiite state, which is establishing its position as a power broker in the region.
Shortly before the year ended, Syrian President Bashar Assad told the Italian daily La Repubblica that Western states had to be willing to talk to Syria and Iran if they wanted to stabilize the situation in Iraq.
Syria, although overwhelmingly a Sunni state, has recently bolstered relations with Iraq through exchanging ambassadors after almost a quarter of a century of cool relations.
Iran has been keen to draw Syria in and invited both Iraqi and Syrian leaders to a summit on the violence in Iraq.
Baghdad has also been bolstering economic ties with Iran. Near the end of the year, Tehran and Baghdad signed 48 documents on bilateral cooperation and expanding ties in political, economic, security, defence and cultural areas.
Analysts say Iran has long wanted good relations between Tehran and Baghdad.
"The picture is now quite clear: there is an open Iranian endeavour to intimidate the region to attain multiple aims. Some are economic-geopolitical and some are religious," says Abdel-Wahab Qassab, Iraqi analyst and head of the Iraqi Dar Centre for Future Studies.
In Iraq, "foreign intervention" has been blamed for the sectarian violence verging on civil war, with fingers pointed at Iran. Some observers have even said that the "chaos" in Iraq serves Iranian interests.
But Iranian studies professor and Egyptian analyst Mohammad Said Abdel-Moneim does not believe that Iran would "permit" a civil war in Iraq.
"A civil war would endanger Iran and its borders as much as it would hurt Iraq," he says. "Iran cannot establish itself in Iraq unless there is relative calm and stability. Iraq has to be stable enough for Shiite and Iranian relations to be shored up and for Iran to benefit from these relations strategically and economically," Abdel-Moneim says.
He adds "Iran will not let the state of affairs turn into a civil war. It will definitely use its influence among the Iraqi Shiites and the Kurds to present wiser and more balanced elements to deal with the infighting factions."
Although Qassab also does not directly accuse Iran of "meddling" in Iraq, he does say that Iranian-backed militias are causing civil unrest there.
"Those encouraging the militias are foreign elements from Iran," Qassab says. "The Iranian militias are carrying out what could be called ethnic cleansing."
According to Qassab, Iranian control over Iraq is growing and is both a risk to the sovereignty of Iraq and to US global policy, even though its interests do not lie in fomenting civil war.
Nevertheless Iran could possibly benefit from unrest, as this further weakens US influence.
"The introduction of the foreign Sunni fighting element gave Iran a double chance in promoting its goals in Iraq," he says in reference to Syrian-backed militias in Iraq.
Iran aimed to control the activities of these foreign fighters through its influence over Syria, seen by the United States as the main covert supporter of these militias.
The Kurds meanwhile are strongly opposed to these Iranian efforts, "partly because there is an agenda agreed by the Kurdish and Shiite leaderships."
Iran has also used its intelligence services to gain control over Iraqi internal affairs and to increase its media presence there.
"There are at least 10 (Iranian) satellite TV channels broadcasting in Arabic, and around the same number of radio stations," Qassab says.
"The (Iranian) publishing agencies in Arabic are doing their best in this field, the endowments, the reconstruction of Shiite shrines not only in Iraq, but in Syria and even in Jordan are examples," he says.
In Lebanon, the Shiite Hezbollah is backed by neighbouring Syria and by Iran. In the current tension in Beirut, Iran has been quick to support the Lebanese Shiites, and thus also to back Syria indirectly.
According to an analysis by the Middle East Media Research Institute, the state-run Iranian daily Kayhan, affiliated with Iranian supreme leader Ali Khamenei, is calling for a change in "the political balance of power in Lebanon in favour of the Shiites."
The Tehran Times has said that failure by the Lebanese government of Fouad Seniora to respond to the opposition's demands for a government of national unity with Shiites as the majority could lead to clashes.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
http://www.kurdmedia.com/articles.asp?id=13811
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237454.php/2006_Review_Irans_influence_in_Middle_East_to_rise_in_2007
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Tuesday December 19, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo - Iran's influence in the Middle East could rise in 2007, unless there is a radical turnaround in events, in the view of observers and analysts in the region.
Forces opposed to the United States - the Syrian government, Shiites in Iraq and in Lebanon - are forging alliances with the Shiite state, which is establishing its position as a power broker in the region.
Shortly before the year ended, Syrian President Bashar Assad told the Italian daily La Repubblica that Western states had to be willing to talk to Syria and Iran if they wanted to stabilize the situation in Iraq.
Syria, although overwhelmingly a Sunni state, has recently bolstered relations with Iraq through exchanging ambassadors after almost a quarter of a century of cool relations.
Iran has been keen to draw Syria in and invited both Iraqi and Syrian leaders to a summit on the violence in Iraq.
Baghdad has also been bolstering economic ties with Iran. Near the end of the year, Tehran and Baghdad signed 48 documents on bilateral cooperation and expanding ties in political, economic, security, defence and cultural areas.
Analysts say Iran has long wanted good relations between Tehran and Baghdad.
"The picture is now quite clear: there is an open Iranian endeavour to intimidate the region to attain multiple aims. Some are economic-geopolitical and some are religious," says Abdel-Wahab Qassab, Iraqi analyst and head of the Iraqi Dar Centre for Future Studies.
In Iraq, "foreign intervention" has been blamed for the sectarian violence verging on civil war, with fingers pointed at Iran. Some observers have even said that the "chaos" in Iraq serves Iranian interests.
But Iranian studies professor and Egyptian analyst Mohammad Said Abdel-Moneim does not believe that Iran would "permit" a civil war in Iraq.
"A civil war would endanger Iran and its borders as much as it would hurt Iraq," he says. "Iran cannot establish itself in Iraq unless there is relative calm and stability. Iraq has to be stable enough for Shiite and Iranian relations to be shored up and for Iran to benefit from these relations strategically and economically," Abdel-Moneim says.
He adds "Iran will not let the state of affairs turn into a civil war. It will definitely use its influence among the Iraqi Shiites and the Kurds to present wiser and more balanced elements to deal with the infighting factions."
Although Qassab also does not directly accuse Iran of "meddling" in Iraq, he does say that Iranian-backed militias are causing civil unrest there.
"Those encouraging the militias are foreign elements from Iran," Qassab says. "The Iranian militias are carrying out what could be called ethnic cleansing."
According to Qassab, Iranian control over Iraq is growing and is both a risk to the sovereignty of Iraq and to US global policy, even though its interests do not lie in fomenting civil war.
Nevertheless Iran could possibly benefit from unrest, as this further weakens US influence.
"The introduction of the foreign Sunni fighting element gave Iran a double chance in promoting its goals in Iraq," he says in reference to Syrian-backed militias in Iraq.
Iran aimed to control the activities of these foreign fighters through its influence over Syria, seen by the United States as the main covert supporter of these militias.
The Kurds meanwhile are strongly opposed to these Iranian efforts, "partly because there is an agenda agreed by the Kurdish and Shiite leaderships."
Iran has also used its intelligence services to gain control over Iraqi internal affairs and to increase its media presence there.
"There are at least 10 (Iranian) satellite TV channels broadcasting in Arabic, and around the same number of radio stations," Qassab says.
"The (Iranian) publishing agencies in Arabic are doing their best in this field, the endowments, the reconstruction of Shiite shrines not only in Iraq, but in Syria and even in Jordan are examples," he says.
In Lebanon, the Shiite Hezbollah is backed by neighbouring Syria and by Iran. In the current tension in Beirut, Iran has been quick to support the Lebanese Shiites, and thus also to back Syria indirectly.
According to an analysis by the Middle East Media Research Institute, the state-run Iranian daily Kayhan, affiliated with Iranian supreme leader Ali Khamenei, is calling for a change in "the political balance of power in Lebanon in favour of the Shiites."
The Tehran Times has said that failure by the Lebanese government of Fouad Seniora to respond to the opposition's demands for a government of national unity with Shiites as the majority could lead to clashes.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link:
http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Iran_s_influence_in_Middle_East_to__12192006.htmlhttp://www.kurdmedia.com/articles.asp?id=13811
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237454.php/2006_Review_Irans_influence_in_Middle_East_to_rise_in_2007
DPA: Three potential civil wars loom in Middle East
By Pakinam Amer
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Tuesday December 19, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo: The spectre of civil war in the Middle East loomed in three separate regions as the year drew to a close. In Iraq, Lebanon and the Palestinian Territories, central government faced a serious armed challenge to its authority.
During his last visit to the region, British Prime Minister Tony Blair acknowledged that the situation in the region was "difficult." In what was subsequently played down as a slip of the tongue he had previously called the situation in Iraq "a disaster."
Calls by Iraqi Premier Nuri-al-Maliki for reconciliation and the formation of a government of national unity were drowned out by gunfire and reports of the bodies found scattered around Baghdad.
After the meeting between US President George W Bush and al-Maliki held in Amman far from the fighting - members of parliament and ministers loyal to Shiite leader Moqtada al-Sadr boycotted the government.
"The political system in Iraq is pushing the country to the verge of civil war. It has slashed the society to pieces," said Abdel-Wahab Qassab, an Iraqi analyst. "What we have now is already a weaker form of civil war between Iraqi rivals."
Shiite and Sunni mosques were recently torched. Worshippers were dragged from prayers and burnt alive in one the worst of the sectarian attacks that US and Iraqi troops appear powerless to prevent.
In and around Baghdad, Iraqis have started securing their own neighbourhoods, with volunteers patrolling at night and roads sealed off with tree trunks.
Death squads have now become associated with groups in parliament.
The Iraqi resistance of the Sunni militias has become a significant power.
According to a classified US government report disclosed by the New York Times, Iraqi militias raise millions of dollars annually from kidnapping and oil smuggling.
The presence of US troops has contributed to the unrest, but their withdrawal could threaten even more chaos.
"If the Iraqi government can't stop sectarian killing today when it is able to call on the world's most powerful military, it can hardly be expected to do so when the Americans have left," says US political columnist Aparisim Ghosh in Time magazine.
The situation in Iraq has had an impact on domestic politics in the United States, with the Democrats securing wins in the mid-term elections and Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld paying the price.
In Lebanon, the same faces that fuelled the previous civil war can still be seen on both sides, even though new alliances are being forged.
Through December, opposition rallies led by Hezbollah and pro-Syrian opposition leaders continued, amid speculation the government now called labelled "illegitimate" by some - will be forced to compromise.
In central Beirut, thousands carrying flags, beating drums and wearing Hezbollah head-bands camped out near the government buildings.
A few metres away and separated only by security officers, soldiers, tanks and barbed wire, the members of the Lebanese government took shelter in Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's Ottoman-era palace.
Hezbollah seemed to be holding back from outright confrontation, although it had indicated it could paralyse public institutions, such as the airport, ports, and public administration.
In Lebanon, those who survived the last civil war started stockpiling food, securing to their homes and laying in candles for possible power cuts. Lebanese Sunni fundamentalists have said on websites that they are preparing for war.
In the Palestinian Territories, there were three sides to the violence.
Israeli officials warned that a new round of violence in the Gaza Strip appeared "unavoidable." In the Egyptian Gazette, Otneil Shneler, a legislator from Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's Kadima party, was quoted as saying that he believed the Palestinian-Israeli ceasefire to be "temporary."
Among the Palestinians themselves the division between Hamas and Fatah grew. Despite a fragile ceasefire, it was only a question of time before internal tensions resurfaced, observers said.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas announced early elections and issued a warning to the Hamas government. "They will not scare us," he said.
The struggle between Hamas and Fatah is a long-running one over power and territory. Hamas is more powerful in the Gaza Strip, while Fatah is more dominant in the West Bank.
Fatah has for decades seen itself as the natural leader of the Palestinians, while Hamas was boosted by its victory in parliamentary elections at the beginning of the year. That victory - a first for Hamas - brought isolation from the West.
"We're juggling with the strong potential of three civil wars in the region, whether it's the Palestinians, that of Lebanon or of Iraq," said Jordan's King Abdullah in an interview with ABC's This Week."
He was particularly pessimistic about the Palestinian Territories. "I don't believe that beyond mid-2007 - if we don't get the process going - there will be anything of a Palestine to talk about," Abdullah said.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Three_potential_civil_wars_loom_in__12192006.html
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237455.php/2006_Review_Three_potential_civil_wars_loom_in_Middle_East
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Tuesday December 19, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo: The spectre of civil war in the Middle East loomed in three separate regions as the year drew to a close. In Iraq, Lebanon and the Palestinian Territories, central government faced a serious armed challenge to its authority.
During his last visit to the region, British Prime Minister Tony Blair acknowledged that the situation in the region was "difficult." In what was subsequently played down as a slip of the tongue he had previously called the situation in Iraq "a disaster."
Calls by Iraqi Premier Nuri-al-Maliki for reconciliation and the formation of a government of national unity were drowned out by gunfire and reports of the bodies found scattered around Baghdad.
After the meeting between US President George W Bush and al-Maliki held in Amman far from the fighting - members of parliament and ministers loyal to Shiite leader Moqtada al-Sadr boycotted the government.
"The political system in Iraq is pushing the country to the verge of civil war. It has slashed the society to pieces," said Abdel-Wahab Qassab, an Iraqi analyst. "What we have now is already a weaker form of civil war between Iraqi rivals."
Shiite and Sunni mosques were recently torched. Worshippers were dragged from prayers and burnt alive in one the worst of the sectarian attacks that US and Iraqi troops appear powerless to prevent.
In and around Baghdad, Iraqis have started securing their own neighbourhoods, with volunteers patrolling at night and roads sealed off with tree trunks.
Death squads have now become associated with groups in parliament.
The Iraqi resistance of the Sunni militias has become a significant power.
According to a classified US government report disclosed by the New York Times, Iraqi militias raise millions of dollars annually from kidnapping and oil smuggling.
The presence of US troops has contributed to the unrest, but their withdrawal could threaten even more chaos.
"If the Iraqi government can't stop sectarian killing today when it is able to call on the world's most powerful military, it can hardly be expected to do so when the Americans have left," says US political columnist Aparisim Ghosh in Time magazine.
The situation in Iraq has had an impact on domestic politics in the United States, with the Democrats securing wins in the mid-term elections and Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld paying the price.
In Lebanon, the same faces that fuelled the previous civil war can still be seen on both sides, even though new alliances are being forged.
Through December, opposition rallies led by Hezbollah and pro-Syrian opposition leaders continued, amid speculation the government now called labelled "illegitimate" by some - will be forced to compromise.
In central Beirut, thousands carrying flags, beating drums and wearing Hezbollah head-bands camped out near the government buildings.
A few metres away and separated only by security officers, soldiers, tanks and barbed wire, the members of the Lebanese government took shelter in Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's Ottoman-era palace.
Hezbollah seemed to be holding back from outright confrontation, although it had indicated it could paralyse public institutions, such as the airport, ports, and public administration.
In Lebanon, those who survived the last civil war started stockpiling food, securing to their homes and laying in candles for possible power cuts. Lebanese Sunni fundamentalists have said on websites that they are preparing for war.
In the Palestinian Territories, there were three sides to the violence.
Israeli officials warned that a new round of violence in the Gaza Strip appeared "unavoidable." In the Egyptian Gazette, Otneil Shneler, a legislator from Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's Kadima party, was quoted as saying that he believed the Palestinian-Israeli ceasefire to be "temporary."
Among the Palestinians themselves the division between Hamas and Fatah grew. Despite a fragile ceasefire, it was only a question of time before internal tensions resurfaced, observers said.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas announced early elections and issued a warning to the Hamas government. "They will not scare us," he said.
The struggle between Hamas and Fatah is a long-running one over power and territory. Hamas is more powerful in the Gaza Strip, while Fatah is more dominant in the West Bank.
Fatah has for decades seen itself as the natural leader of the Palestinians, while Hamas was boosted by its victory in parliamentary elections at the beginning of the year. That victory - a first for Hamas - brought isolation from the West.
"We're juggling with the strong potential of three civil wars in the region, whether it's the Palestinians, that of Lebanon or of Iraq," said Jordan's King Abdullah in an interview with ABC's This Week."
He was particularly pessimistic about the Palestinian Territories. "I don't believe that beyond mid-2007 - if we don't get the process going - there will be anything of a Palestine to talk about," Abdullah said.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Three_potential_civil_wars_loom_in__12192006.html
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237455.php/2006_Review_Three_potential_civil_wars_loom_in_Middle_East
Saturday, December 16, 2006
DPA: Parents of arrested students plead for their release
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 16, 2006, 17:52 GMT
Cairo - Following a wide-scale clampdown on Muslim Brotherhood students, parents of the students gathered at Cairo's bar association Saturday to plead with security officials for the release of their children.
Some stricken parents came from towns and villages outside of Cairo in support for their sons' cause, saying that they should be released immediately as the school term is coming to an end, and final exams are underway.
Last Tuesday, at least 13 Muslim Brotherhood senior leaders and 140 Brotherhood-affiliated students were arrested by Egyptian authorities.
On Saturday, 109 of the students had their custody renewed for 15 more days, under the charges of belonging to a banned group and forming 'a militant faction.'
According to police sources, 'the students were arrested while plotting a new move (against the government).'
The Muslim Brotherhood is a popular opposition group that uses the slogan 'Islam is the Solution' to gain the support of the conservative grassroots.
The group has strong representation in parliament.
Some of the students were arrested in pre-dawn raids, with quite a few being woken up by dozens of strident security policemen and dragged from their homes and hostel rooms.
School books and personal computers were even confiscated.
The Safa Hostel in Egypt's Nasr City district remains cordoned off by security police. Regular resident students reported having difficulty gaining access and some spent the night on the streets, witnesses said.
Senior leaders arrested were Khayrat el-Shater, the second deputy to the Muslim Brotherhood's supreme guide, and his brother-in-law, the coordinator of Muslim Brotherhood university students.
El-Shater was accused of being the director and financer of the 'militant' group of students.
The raid came in the wake of a rampant two-months-long conflict across Egyptian universities between Muslim Brotherhood students on the one side and security police and the university's administration on the other.
The Islamist students were reportedly banned from regular student union elections, prompting them to run their own 'free union' elections - with on-campus voting and ceremonies.
The act provoked security authorities, who tend to keep a close eye on university internal affairs. They pressured university deans in taking 'appropriate action,' which included dismissing some students on a temporary basis.
The dismissal of five Azhar University students, less than two weeks ago, made the situation more tense. This was said to have pushed the Muslim Brotherhood students into a protest, described by some observers as 'threatening' and 'disturbing.'
During the protest, the students gathered in front of the dean's office with their faces covered or wearing headbands labelled 'we're standing.'
The students were dressed in black and standing in military formation. They were unarmed, however. A dozen of the students proceeded to display their fighting skills in a militaristic manner, to the cheers of their colleagues.
This behaviour has caused outrage and shock. Newspapers, quoting security sources, labelled the group of students the 'Azhar militias.'
The Azhar university is an Islamic educational facility, which is however independent of the Azhar religious institution, a key authority on Sunni Islam in the Arab world.
Brotherhood leaders, among others, were the first to denounce the acts, denying any responsibility and pressing the students to issue a formal apology.
'We are deeply sorry for the negative portrayal that we gave of the Muslim Brotherhood,' read the first line of the apology. 'We are just students. We are not militias.'
A student told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa Saturday that it was 'merely an act of protest, a parade meant to catch attention.'
A Muslim Brotherhood student, who requested anonymity, said that 'it was an impulsive act, but only a reaction to the repressive measures imposed upon us. But it has caused troubles and raised accusations against the Muslim Brotherhood and for this we apologize.'
The Muslim Brotherhood has been accused in many newspapers of owning camps for training the Brotherhood's younger elements for combat, with the Azhar university incident being cited as 'proof.'
Some newspapers painted pictures of how the brotherhood's 'true face was revealed' and have portrayed the non-militant group as a 'cloaked terror network.'
'I do not understand what is happening,' said a 20-year-old Salah, who refused to disclose his last name in fear of arrest. Salah is the head of the Muslim Brotherhood students public relations office.
Salah described the media coverage of the incident as 'overblown' and said that the security police reaction to their 'parade' was 'exaggerated' and 'surprisingly fast.'
'The security police has been sleeping on other issues - sexual harassment of men in custody, corruption, transportation disasters. But when it comes to the brotherhood, they're suddenly alert and active,' he said.
The Muslim Brotherhood's 'guidance office' issued a heated statement against the student arrests saying that the security police had a 'pre-intention' of jailing the students and had just been waiting waited for a good opportunity.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1233884.php/Parents_of_arrested_students_plead_for_their_release
http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Parents_of_arrested_students_plead__12162006.html
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 16, 2006, 17:52 GMT
Cairo - Following a wide-scale clampdown on Muslim Brotherhood students, parents of the students gathered at Cairo's bar association Saturday to plead with security officials for the release of their children.
Some stricken parents came from towns and villages outside of Cairo in support for their sons' cause, saying that they should be released immediately as the school term is coming to an end, and final exams are underway.
Last Tuesday, at least 13 Muslim Brotherhood senior leaders and 140 Brotherhood-affiliated students were arrested by Egyptian authorities.
On Saturday, 109 of the students had their custody renewed for 15 more days, under the charges of belonging to a banned group and forming 'a militant faction.'
According to police sources, 'the students were arrested while plotting a new move (against the government).'
The Muslim Brotherhood is a popular opposition group that uses the slogan 'Islam is the Solution' to gain the support of the conservative grassroots.
The group has strong representation in parliament.
Some of the students were arrested in pre-dawn raids, with quite a few being woken up by dozens of strident security policemen and dragged from their homes and hostel rooms.
School books and personal computers were even confiscated.
The Safa Hostel in Egypt's Nasr City district remains cordoned off by security police. Regular resident students reported having difficulty gaining access and some spent the night on the streets, witnesses said.
Senior leaders arrested were Khayrat el-Shater, the second deputy to the Muslim Brotherhood's supreme guide, and his brother-in-law, the coordinator of Muslim Brotherhood university students.
El-Shater was accused of being the director and financer of the 'militant' group of students.
The raid came in the wake of a rampant two-months-long conflict across Egyptian universities between Muslim Brotherhood students on the one side and security police and the university's administration on the other.
The Islamist students were reportedly banned from regular student union elections, prompting them to run their own 'free union' elections - with on-campus voting and ceremonies.
The act provoked security authorities, who tend to keep a close eye on university internal affairs. They pressured university deans in taking 'appropriate action,' which included dismissing some students on a temporary basis.
The dismissal of five Azhar University students, less than two weeks ago, made the situation more tense. This was said to have pushed the Muslim Brotherhood students into a protest, described by some observers as 'threatening' and 'disturbing.'
During the protest, the students gathered in front of the dean's office with their faces covered or wearing headbands labelled 'we're standing.'
The students were dressed in black and standing in military formation. They were unarmed, however. A dozen of the students proceeded to display their fighting skills in a militaristic manner, to the cheers of their colleagues.
This behaviour has caused outrage and shock. Newspapers, quoting security sources, labelled the group of students the 'Azhar militias.'
The Azhar university is an Islamic educational facility, which is however independent of the Azhar religious institution, a key authority on Sunni Islam in the Arab world.
Brotherhood leaders, among others, were the first to denounce the acts, denying any responsibility and pressing the students to issue a formal apology.
'We are deeply sorry for the negative portrayal that we gave of the Muslim Brotherhood,' read the first line of the apology. 'We are just students. We are not militias.'
A student told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa Saturday that it was 'merely an act of protest, a parade meant to catch attention.'
A Muslim Brotherhood student, who requested anonymity, said that 'it was an impulsive act, but only a reaction to the repressive measures imposed upon us. But it has caused troubles and raised accusations against the Muslim Brotherhood and for this we apologize.'
The Muslim Brotherhood has been accused in many newspapers of owning camps for training the Brotherhood's younger elements for combat, with the Azhar university incident being cited as 'proof.'
Some newspapers painted pictures of how the brotherhood's 'true face was revealed' and have portrayed the non-militant group as a 'cloaked terror network.'
'I do not understand what is happening,' said a 20-year-old Salah, who refused to disclose his last name in fear of arrest. Salah is the head of the Muslim Brotherhood students public relations office.
Salah described the media coverage of the incident as 'overblown' and said that the security police reaction to their 'parade' was 'exaggerated' and 'surprisingly fast.'
'The security police has been sleeping on other issues - sexual harassment of men in custody, corruption, transportation disasters. But when it comes to the brotherhood, they're suddenly alert and active,' he said.
The Muslim Brotherhood's 'guidance office' issued a heated statement against the student arrests saying that the security police had a 'pre-intention' of jailing the students and had just been waiting waited for a good opportunity.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1233884.php/Parents_of_arrested_students_plead_for_their_release
http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Parents_of_arrested_students_plead__12162006.html
DPA: Egyptian opposition in turmoil amid moves to democracy
By Pakinam Amer
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Saturday December 16, 2006
Cairo- Political reform in Egypt, although slow, has over the past year exposed serious flaws in opposition parties calling for greater democracy and freedom of speech. Observers noted that it was not just President Hosny Mubarak's ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) that placed obstacles in the way of what has been termed the "holy quest for democracy."
A few months before the year ended, the main opposition movement, the al-Wafd, showed how divided it was during a power struggle that was broadcast live.
Accusations, and even bullets, flew through the air as the party's heavyweights fought shamelessly for leadership.
The party headquarters was almost burnt down in the process, and al-Wafd members were injured.
The Al-Karama (Dignity) political group, a rising opposition force, damaged itself by publishing a controversial supplement to its newspaper that saluted Libyan leader Moamer Gaddafi. To many in Egypt, Gaddafi is a dictator at the head of an authoritarian regime whose violations of human rights and international law are well documented.
But the supplement focused on his "accomplishments and legacy" under the headline "Thirty-seven years of achievements."
Critics noted an apparent contradiction between Gaddafi's authoritarian image and al-Karama's support for human rights and freedom of expression, and denouncing of oppressive regimes.
Hamdein Sabahi, the softly-spoken founder of al-Karama and member of the lower house of parliament, defended his party. "Strictly commercial" considerations were behind publication of the supplement, he said.
He rejected accusations of hypocrisy and double-standards.
Al-Karama regards itself as a continuing the ideas of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Egyptian president who nationalized the Suez Canal in 1956 and was president during the 1967 Six-Day War against Israel.
Although the movement has developed a clear opposition presence, applications to become a legitimate party have been rejected by the Political Parties Court several times.
During one of the applications, Sabahi said the "repressive" NDP was behind the rejection of the applications.
But the Gaddafi affair has led to a loss of support.
Analysts have seen a link between the troubles of al-Wafd and al-Karama, saying that opposition groups have failed to present a model of democracy and commitment to their cause.
The troubles are not limited to these two movements, however. Thuggery, name-calling and lack of political transparency is common within other opposition groups.
Analysts note that calls by many political parties for greater democracy are contradicted by the behaviour of the party leaderships.
The Muslim Brotherhood, a non-militant group that has a slogan "Islam is the Solution," has succeeded in attracting many grassroots supporters who regard democracy almost as a new religion.
The movement keenly polishes its image, but it is at least questionable whether it upholds democratic principles internally.
Like many other rising opposition groups, the Muslim Brotherhood, which pledges social, economic, and political reform, has thus far failed to present an integrated and detailed reform programme.
Newspapers report internal disputes and unequal opportunity for members as preparations for internal elections get underway.
Information from the secretive Muslim Brotherhood about its plans and elections is scarce. Women are reportedly restricted to charity and development activities.
Their representation in politics is limited to a few faces that appeared during last year's parliamentary elections and then quickly disappeared.
A former Brotherhood member has spoken of how opposing views are booed and how the 80-year-olds are controlling internal affairs.
Even a seemingly close-knit group like the Kifaya (Enough) seems to be plagued by a similar disease.
Kifaya, a movement that was formed to combat corruption and NDP hegemony over politics, has always prided itself on being inclusive.
Intolerance is now driving young members to form their own independent offshoots, while others abandon the movement altogether.
In December, seven senior Kifaya members announced their split from the group, issuing a statement that the group suffered from "stagnation," and had not adopted a clear strategy.
Analysts suggest "real democracy" may be difficult to achieve for a country in transition, especially when corruption and prejudice are rampant in mainstream politics.
State repression may have contributed to this. Other say stagnation is inevitable, as political parties have been dormant for decades.
Observers nevertheless fear that if those who call themselves "revolutionaries" or "the resistance front" fail to practice what they preach, their supporters could lose faith and the status quo could manage to hang on to power.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Egyptian_opposition_in_turmoil_amid_12162006.html
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Saturday December 16, 2006
Cairo- Political reform in Egypt, although slow, has over the past year exposed serious flaws in opposition parties calling for greater democracy and freedom of speech. Observers noted that it was not just President Hosny Mubarak's ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) that placed obstacles in the way of what has been termed the "holy quest for democracy."
A few months before the year ended, the main opposition movement, the al-Wafd, showed how divided it was during a power struggle that was broadcast live.
Accusations, and even bullets, flew through the air as the party's heavyweights fought shamelessly for leadership.
The party headquarters was almost burnt down in the process, and al-Wafd members were injured.
The Al-Karama (Dignity) political group, a rising opposition force, damaged itself by publishing a controversial supplement to its newspaper that saluted Libyan leader Moamer Gaddafi. To many in Egypt, Gaddafi is a dictator at the head of an authoritarian regime whose violations of human rights and international law are well documented.
But the supplement focused on his "accomplishments and legacy" under the headline "Thirty-seven years of achievements."
Critics noted an apparent contradiction between Gaddafi's authoritarian image and al-Karama's support for human rights and freedom of expression, and denouncing of oppressive regimes.
Hamdein Sabahi, the softly-spoken founder of al-Karama and member of the lower house of parliament, defended his party. "Strictly commercial" considerations were behind publication of the supplement, he said.
He rejected accusations of hypocrisy and double-standards.
Al-Karama regards itself as a continuing the ideas of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Egyptian president who nationalized the Suez Canal in 1956 and was president during the 1967 Six-Day War against Israel.
Although the movement has developed a clear opposition presence, applications to become a legitimate party have been rejected by the Political Parties Court several times.
During one of the applications, Sabahi said the "repressive" NDP was behind the rejection of the applications.
But the Gaddafi affair has led to a loss of support.
Analysts have seen a link between the troubles of al-Wafd and al-Karama, saying that opposition groups have failed to present a model of democracy and commitment to their cause.
The troubles are not limited to these two movements, however. Thuggery, name-calling and lack of political transparency is common within other opposition groups.
Analysts note that calls by many political parties for greater democracy are contradicted by the behaviour of the party leaderships.
The Muslim Brotherhood, a non-militant group that has a slogan "Islam is the Solution," has succeeded in attracting many grassroots supporters who regard democracy almost as a new religion.
The movement keenly polishes its image, but it is at least questionable whether it upholds democratic principles internally.
Like many other rising opposition groups, the Muslim Brotherhood, which pledges social, economic, and political reform, has thus far failed to present an integrated and detailed reform programme.
Newspapers report internal disputes and unequal opportunity for members as preparations for internal elections get underway.
Information from the secretive Muslim Brotherhood about its plans and elections is scarce. Women are reportedly restricted to charity and development activities.
Their representation in politics is limited to a few faces that appeared during last year's parliamentary elections and then quickly disappeared.
A former Brotherhood member has spoken of how opposing views are booed and how the 80-year-olds are controlling internal affairs.
Even a seemingly close-knit group like the Kifaya (Enough) seems to be plagued by a similar disease.
Kifaya, a movement that was formed to combat corruption and NDP hegemony over politics, has always prided itself on being inclusive.
Intolerance is now driving young members to form their own independent offshoots, while others abandon the movement altogether.
In December, seven senior Kifaya members announced their split from the group, issuing a statement that the group suffered from "stagnation," and had not adopted a clear strategy.
Analysts suggest "real democracy" may be difficult to achieve for a country in transition, especially when corruption and prejudice are rampant in mainstream politics.
State repression may have contributed to this. Other say stagnation is inevitable, as political parties have been dormant for decades.
Observers nevertheless fear that if those who call themselves "revolutionaries" or "the resistance front" fail to practice what they preach, their supporters could lose faith and the status quo could manage to hang on to power.
© 2006 dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Egyptian_opposition_in_turmoil_amid_12162006.html
DPA: Political reform falters in Egypt
By PAKINAM AMER
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Thursday December 14, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo- Prospects for constitutional reform remain "bleak" in the view of Egypt's fragmented opposition, who continue to accuse the governing National Democratic Party (NDP) of operating a "police state."
Despite promises of reform and constitutional amendments put forward by the NDP, the coming year promises to be complicated and troublesome, according to opposition leaders and political analysts.
The domestic political situation was in turmoil as President Hosny Mubarak embarked on a European tour, following shortly on his Euro-Asian one, with analysts describing the political opposition as being "as helpless as ever."
As the year drew to an end, Mubarak told parliament he would stay in power so long as his "heart beats in his chest," sending shockwaves through the opposition who discounted pledges of political reform as "a scam."
Mubarak made clear the constitution would not be subject toconstant change, apparently ruling out amendments put forward afterfierce debate by opposition members of parliament pushing the demandsof their respective parties.
MP Hamdi Hassan, a spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood bloc, predicted its recommended amendments would be discarded.
"We did our part, but the results of our efforts are not in our hands so we should not be made to account for the results, only for the effort we made," Hassan said in apparent surrender to the NDP majority.
"Our failure to bring about change is a failure of the majority NDP itself," he said.
The content of the promised constitutional amendments remains vague, as the NDP has declined to disclose its plans.
"This is unnatural, inconsistent, and wrong - the fact that we are not exposed to the nature of the amendments. This never happens in any European country," Hassan said.
"For some reason the details of the upcoming constitutional changes remain secret and only the NDP knows their specifics. This is utter manipulation. But then again, eliminating others has always been the philosophy of this regime," he added.
Over recent months, the opposition has grown in size but not in influence.
Gamal Mubarak, NDP deputy head and son of the president, has staked out his claim to succeed his father, becoming the public face of the party over recent years.
At the last major NDP meeting, it was the younger Mubarak who laid out the party's long-term roadmap, leading to increased fears among the opposition that he might be imposed as the next president.
In a further indication of his central role, Gamal Mubarak was the man chosen to announce the country's nuclear energy programme, a flagship project for the NDP that was quickly approved by the United States.
Those fears were enhanced by infighting within the main oppositional-Wafd, one of Egypt's oldest parties, that degenerated into open violence.
Other political parties are still struggling to achieve legitimacy and to carve out a space in the political arena, leaving the field open to the NDP, even though the constitution now allows multi-party elections.
The government has also refused to release either Ayman Nour, an opposition leader jailed for fraud, or the controversial and popular former MP, Talaat el-Sadat, who was jailed for insulting the army by a military court.
The opposition continues to demand a more liberal political climate, in which forces like the Kifaya (Enough) movement, the socialist al-Karama, the Muslim Brotherhood and parties like Nour's al-Ghad would have a say.
Factors contributing to the rising political temperature include the prospect of a new session of parliament, the upcoming local elections, in which the Muslim Brotherhood aims to score success, and the promised further amendment of Article 76 of the constitution which regulates multi-party elections.
Apparent support from the US for the NDP's "young reformers," as President George W Bush called them recently, has left opposition leaders feeling isolated in calling for increased democratization.
Initial US support for Nour also appears to have dimmed. Nevetherless, sociologist Saad Eddin Ibrahim has said that the US State Department has asked him to put forward the names of those that could succeed Mubarak - such as former NDP member Osama el-Ghazali Harb and Premier Ahmed Nazif."
The US support for Ayman or democracy in general was never genuine," Nagi al-Ghatrify, the current head of Nour's al-Ghad party, said.
"It was short-term; and it was linked to certain endeavours thatonly the Americans know."
Observers believe that the experience with the Palestinian Hamas movement has prompted US support for the NDP, for fear the Muslim Brotherhood could take over.
"One could say that the Muslim Brotherhood has stifled both political reform and the US support, just by being there," al-Ghatrify said.
© 2006 - dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Political_reform_falters_in_Egypt_B_12142006.html
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Thursday December 14, 2006
By Pakinam Amer, Cairo- Prospects for constitutional reform remain "bleak" in the view of Egypt's fragmented opposition, who continue to accuse the governing National Democratic Party (NDP) of operating a "police state."
Despite promises of reform and constitutional amendments put forward by the NDP, the coming year promises to be complicated and troublesome, according to opposition leaders and political analysts.
The domestic political situation was in turmoil as President Hosny Mubarak embarked on a European tour, following shortly on his Euro-Asian one, with analysts describing the political opposition as being "as helpless as ever."
As the year drew to an end, Mubarak told parliament he would stay in power so long as his "heart beats in his chest," sending shockwaves through the opposition who discounted pledges of political reform as "a scam."
Mubarak made clear the constitution would not be subject toconstant change, apparently ruling out amendments put forward afterfierce debate by opposition members of parliament pushing the demandsof their respective parties.
MP Hamdi Hassan, a spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood bloc, predicted its recommended amendments would be discarded.
"We did our part, but the results of our efforts are not in our hands so we should not be made to account for the results, only for the effort we made," Hassan said in apparent surrender to the NDP majority.
"Our failure to bring about change is a failure of the majority NDP itself," he said.
The content of the promised constitutional amendments remains vague, as the NDP has declined to disclose its plans.
"This is unnatural, inconsistent, and wrong - the fact that we are not exposed to the nature of the amendments. This never happens in any European country," Hassan said.
"For some reason the details of the upcoming constitutional changes remain secret and only the NDP knows their specifics. This is utter manipulation. But then again, eliminating others has always been the philosophy of this regime," he added.
Over recent months, the opposition has grown in size but not in influence.
Gamal Mubarak, NDP deputy head and son of the president, has staked out his claim to succeed his father, becoming the public face of the party over recent years.
At the last major NDP meeting, it was the younger Mubarak who laid out the party's long-term roadmap, leading to increased fears among the opposition that he might be imposed as the next president.
In a further indication of his central role, Gamal Mubarak was the man chosen to announce the country's nuclear energy programme, a flagship project for the NDP that was quickly approved by the United States.
Those fears were enhanced by infighting within the main oppositional-Wafd, one of Egypt's oldest parties, that degenerated into open violence.
Other political parties are still struggling to achieve legitimacy and to carve out a space in the political arena, leaving the field open to the NDP, even though the constitution now allows multi-party elections.
The government has also refused to release either Ayman Nour, an opposition leader jailed for fraud, or the controversial and popular former MP, Talaat el-Sadat, who was jailed for insulting the army by a military court.
The opposition continues to demand a more liberal political climate, in which forces like the Kifaya (Enough) movement, the socialist al-Karama, the Muslim Brotherhood and parties like Nour's al-Ghad would have a say.
Factors contributing to the rising political temperature include the prospect of a new session of parliament, the upcoming local elections, in which the Muslim Brotherhood aims to score success, and the promised further amendment of Article 76 of the constitution which regulates multi-party elections.
Apparent support from the US for the NDP's "young reformers," as President George W Bush called them recently, has left opposition leaders feeling isolated in calling for increased democratization.
Initial US support for Nour also appears to have dimmed. Nevetherless, sociologist Saad Eddin Ibrahim has said that the US State Department has asked him to put forward the names of those that could succeed Mubarak - such as former NDP member Osama el-Ghazali Harb and Premier Ahmed Nazif."
The US support for Ayman or democracy in general was never genuine," Nagi al-Ghatrify, the current head of Nour's al-Ghad party, said.
"It was short-term; and it was linked to certain endeavours thatonly the Americans know."
Observers believe that the experience with the Palestinian Hamas movement has prompted US support for the NDP, for fear the Muslim Brotherhood could take over.
"One could say that the Muslim Brotherhood has stifled both political reform and the US support, just by being there," al-Ghatrify said.
© 2006 - dpa German Press Agency
Link: http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Political_reform_falters_in_Egypt_B_12142006.html
Tuesday, December 05, 2006
WPW: In Cairo, Police Crack Down on Growing Protests Against Sexual Harassment
Pakinam Amer Bio 05 Dec 2006
World Politics Watch Exclusive
CAIRO, Egypt -- During the latest protest against sexual harassment here last month, women were once again the victims of harassment. This time, however, the assaulters were none other than Egypt's security policemen.
At a Nov. 15 protest, female protesters were stalked, groped, shoved and pushed around. In one case, a woman in flowing black robes and a colorful bright scarf was held by the arm, dragged over a flight of stairs and shaken by her veil as bystanders and a fellow male protestor were hurled back.
The humiliated young woman -- in her early twenties -- was not the only one who was manhandled.
"I came to protest injustice against women and I myself was disgraced," said a human rights activist who was present during the rowdy picket.
This and similar protests have followed reports of a series of on-the-street harassment incidents directed at females during Muslim Eid al-Fitr celebrations in downtown Cairo. The demonstrators, most of them women, were protesting against what they deemed the "blatant" and "widespread" phenomenon of on-the-street sexual harassment.
At the end of October, in the wake of the holy month of Ramadan -- when Muslim worshippers fast and observe acts of piety -- women and girls who took to the streets in celebration of the end of the fasting month were touched in sensitive areas, groped and had their clothes torn and their veils pulled off their heads in one busy downtown area.
What fueled protests in the weeks that followed was that the presence of security police and local policemen during the Eid incidents did not prevent dozens of men from encircling women -- in groups of two and three -- and taking turns groping and touching them as the women screamed and kicked back.
The accounts of the Eid harassment filled Cairo blogs and circulated by email before public and private TV channels started reporting it."
The cowardly officer is standing helpless, while Egyptian women are humiliated," a middle-aged Egyptian woman shouted in anger as she stood by the Cairo journalists syndicate to protest last month.
The enraged woman, a mother of two police officers herself, had publicly called upon her sons to resign in protest, condemning a system that reportedly failed to protect women.
The uncovering of such an incident has indeed sparked a wave of shock among many Egyptians -- but not among many women, who say that incidents of harassment, both fleeting and long-lasting, are the norm on Cairo streets, and in taxis, public buses and shopping malls.
The harassment is usually fleeting -- a man touching a woman and quickly moving away, or a man masturbating on the street while catcalling or hissing at a passing woman -- but the effects on the victims, some women say, can be devastating.
Women wearing head scarves, even fully veiled women with only their eyes showing through a small opening in a see-through face veil, or munaqabat, are targeted as much as unveiled women who wear their hair long and dress in tight pants or short sleeves. The unspoken reality is: If you are a woman in Cairo, then you will likely experience some type of harassment by a man.
Women first shared their stories of harassment on Internet forums and public blogs, and long-suppressed hurt and humiliation finally surfaced as the women voiced their anger in public last month.
The Eid harassment incident has provoked a storm of negative reactions in Cairo, where women are still sometimes blamed for dressing "provocatively," and thereby provoking harassment from men.
However, in the end, the incident has successfully uncovered a growing and disturbing attitude of violence against women.
Some of Egypt's outspoken youth were responsible for taking the debate to the street.
A group of young Egyptians, an offshoot of Egypt's Kifaya (Enough) movement and other "resistance" factions, formed a movement called "The Street is Ours," whose main goal is to fight harassment of women in all its forms.
The group is now gaining supporters by the day, and Web sites are being dedicated solely to their cause.
The groups says the Eid incident is reminiscent of an incident that occurred in May 2005, a few months before last year's presidential elections, when female journalists and activists were beaten and sexually harassed in public.
And in their last protest, the women of "The Street is Ours" faced the same kind of harassment that they had gathered to strike against. The streets in which some of the female activists chose to rage were both their last solace and their enemy.
Nadia Mabrouk, a Kifaya member and a leading protestor, was aggressively taken to a police truck and was forced to spend the night in custody; the main charge was "creating chaos." In other words, she was arrested for protesting, an act banned by the Egyptian constitution in the absence of a security permit.
Ironically, Mabrouk was targeted on the same downtown street, by the Metro cinema, where the first acts of Eid harassment were reported.
Reuters stringer Abdel-Nasser el-Nouri was beaten by plain-clothed security "thugs" (his own term) when he attempted to take pictures of Mabrouk as she was being violently pushed around."
They dragged me to one of their cars and drove to the end of the street," el-Nouri said. "They let me go, but warned me against going back to take pictures."
When el-Nouri was replacing the batteries of his digital camera, the security personnel snatched them away from his hands and shattered them, mistaking the batteries for film.
Pictures taken of security men manhandling women usually end up on opposition papers' front pages -- a notion which scares the police, said el-Nouri.
"Well, pictures bring them trouble. It creates a crisis for them -- it embarrasses them in front of the world and in front of their superiors, especially when it is pictures of women being beaten."
Wael Abbas, another eyewitness and the blogger who first blew the whistle on the Eid harassment, described how female protestors were cornered by members of riot police.
"More than one girl was held in the police trucks," he said. "They foiled the protest. The activists tried to move to [the nearby] press syndicate to continue protesting but they were pushed back.
"The only protection the women had was their fellow protestors, and they were at times helpless against hundreds of heavily armored riot police who converged on the demonstration scene by the truckload.
At one point during the protest, the activists were pushed into a diner and were locked inside by riot police -- as the restaurant customers watched with mouths agape.
The main entrance of the restaurant was cordoned off, special security forces dressed in black stood in a line by the restaurant. Pedestrians were told to change routes.
Apparently shaken by what she saw through the restaurants wide glass windows, a female diner spoke to a local English-language newspaper.
"Look at what they are doing to the women!" the diner told a reporter for Egypt's Daily Star as the police cracked down on the young protestors before her eyes.
Pakinam Amer is a Cairo-based journalist and writer.
Link: http://www.worldpoliticswatch.com/article.aspx?id=386
World Politics Watch Exclusive
CAIRO, Egypt -- During the latest protest against sexual harassment here last month, women were once again the victims of harassment. This time, however, the assaulters were none other than Egypt's security policemen.
At a Nov. 15 protest, female protesters were stalked, groped, shoved and pushed around. In one case, a woman in flowing black robes and a colorful bright scarf was held by the arm, dragged over a flight of stairs and shaken by her veil as bystanders and a fellow male protestor were hurled back.
The humiliated young woman -- in her early twenties -- was not the only one who was manhandled.
"I came to protest injustice against women and I myself was disgraced," said a human rights activist who was present during the rowdy picket.
This and similar protests have followed reports of a series of on-the-street harassment incidents directed at females during Muslim Eid al-Fitr celebrations in downtown Cairo. The demonstrators, most of them women, were protesting against what they deemed the "blatant" and "widespread" phenomenon of on-the-street sexual harassment.
At the end of October, in the wake of the holy month of Ramadan -- when Muslim worshippers fast and observe acts of piety -- women and girls who took to the streets in celebration of the end of the fasting month were touched in sensitive areas, groped and had their clothes torn and their veils pulled off their heads in one busy downtown area.
What fueled protests in the weeks that followed was that the presence of security police and local policemen during the Eid incidents did not prevent dozens of men from encircling women -- in groups of two and three -- and taking turns groping and touching them as the women screamed and kicked back.
The accounts of the Eid harassment filled Cairo blogs and circulated by email before public and private TV channels started reporting it."
The cowardly officer is standing helpless, while Egyptian women are humiliated," a middle-aged Egyptian woman shouted in anger as she stood by the Cairo journalists syndicate to protest last month.
The enraged woman, a mother of two police officers herself, had publicly called upon her sons to resign in protest, condemning a system that reportedly failed to protect women.
The uncovering of such an incident has indeed sparked a wave of shock among many Egyptians -- but not among many women, who say that incidents of harassment, both fleeting and long-lasting, are the norm on Cairo streets, and in taxis, public buses and shopping malls.
The harassment is usually fleeting -- a man touching a woman and quickly moving away, or a man masturbating on the street while catcalling or hissing at a passing woman -- but the effects on the victims, some women say, can be devastating.
Women wearing head scarves, even fully veiled women with only their eyes showing through a small opening in a see-through face veil, or munaqabat, are targeted as much as unveiled women who wear their hair long and dress in tight pants or short sleeves. The unspoken reality is: If you are a woman in Cairo, then you will likely experience some type of harassment by a man.
Women first shared their stories of harassment on Internet forums and public blogs, and long-suppressed hurt and humiliation finally surfaced as the women voiced their anger in public last month.
The Eid harassment incident has provoked a storm of negative reactions in Cairo, where women are still sometimes blamed for dressing "provocatively," and thereby provoking harassment from men.
However, in the end, the incident has successfully uncovered a growing and disturbing attitude of violence against women.
Some of Egypt's outspoken youth were responsible for taking the debate to the street.
A group of young Egyptians, an offshoot of Egypt's Kifaya (Enough) movement and other "resistance" factions, formed a movement called "The Street is Ours," whose main goal is to fight harassment of women in all its forms.
The group is now gaining supporters by the day, and Web sites are being dedicated solely to their cause.
The groups says the Eid incident is reminiscent of an incident that occurred in May 2005, a few months before last year's presidential elections, when female journalists and activists were beaten and sexually harassed in public.
And in their last protest, the women of "The Street is Ours" faced the same kind of harassment that they had gathered to strike against. The streets in which some of the female activists chose to rage were both their last solace and their enemy.
Nadia Mabrouk, a Kifaya member and a leading protestor, was aggressively taken to a police truck and was forced to spend the night in custody; the main charge was "creating chaos." In other words, she was arrested for protesting, an act banned by the Egyptian constitution in the absence of a security permit.
Ironically, Mabrouk was targeted on the same downtown street, by the Metro cinema, where the first acts of Eid harassment were reported.
Reuters stringer Abdel-Nasser el-Nouri was beaten by plain-clothed security "thugs" (his own term) when he attempted to take pictures of Mabrouk as she was being violently pushed around."
They dragged me to one of their cars and drove to the end of the street," el-Nouri said. "They let me go, but warned me against going back to take pictures."
When el-Nouri was replacing the batteries of his digital camera, the security personnel snatched them away from his hands and shattered them, mistaking the batteries for film.
Pictures taken of security men manhandling women usually end up on opposition papers' front pages -- a notion which scares the police, said el-Nouri.
"Well, pictures bring them trouble. It creates a crisis for them -- it embarrasses them in front of the world and in front of their superiors, especially when it is pictures of women being beaten."
Wael Abbas, another eyewitness and the blogger who first blew the whistle on the Eid harassment, described how female protestors were cornered by members of riot police.
"More than one girl was held in the police trucks," he said. "They foiled the protest. The activists tried to move to [the nearby] press syndicate to continue protesting but they were pushed back.
"The only protection the women had was their fellow protestors, and they were at times helpless against hundreds of heavily armored riot police who converged on the demonstration scene by the truckload.
At one point during the protest, the activists were pushed into a diner and were locked inside by riot police -- as the restaurant customers watched with mouths agape.
The main entrance of the restaurant was cordoned off, special security forces dressed in black stood in a line by the restaurant. Pedestrians were told to change routes.
Apparently shaken by what she saw through the restaurants wide glass windows, a female diner spoke to a local English-language newspaper.
"Look at what they are doing to the women!" the diner told a reporter for Egypt's Daily Star as the police cracked down on the young protestors before her eyes.
Pakinam Amer is a Cairo-based journalist and writer.
Link: http://www.worldpoliticswatch.com/article.aspx?id=386
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