Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 12, 2007, 14:08 GMT
Mecca - For some non-Arab Muslims, Mecca not only represents sanctity. It also embodies a notion not unlike the 'American dream' - a place promising a secure job, food on the table and a happy family.
Mecca has a special place in the hearts of Muslims as the birth place of the Prophet Mohammed, the founder of Islam, and the place where the Koran was revealed to him.
It also houses the Kaaba, the central stone structure believed to have been built by Abraham - a place of pilgrimage for Muslims from all over the world, and the place to which they direct their prayers five times a day.
There are two types of foreigners in Mecca: those who entered the country on a pilgrim's visa and stayed, hiding from the authorities, and those who took refuge there for religious or political reasons.
Both groups live in secluded neighbourhoods in the heart of Mecca or on the outskirts of the city, 73 kilometres east of Jeddah.
However, the dreams of poverty-stricken foreign Muslims, who seep into the city with their families in toe, are often shattered, and they frequently end up working in badly-paid day jobs.
Many of them resort to pick-pocketing, while others get into prostitution and drug trafficking, local observers say. Others beg.
Near the holy mosque in central Mecca, numerous foreign Muslims dressed in black ask the worshippers for money or food in their broken Arabic.
Persistent female beggars as young as ten trot in their flowing knee-length veils behind strangers, while the crippled among them make a point of showing their amputated legs or arms to the mosque visitors to goad sympathy.
There are no statistics on the number of illegal residents currently living in Mecca, but a police officer, who refused to disclose his name, said there might be 'thousands of them' living among Mecca's one-million-plus population.
They come in large numbers, he said, through main checkpoints or through unofficial routes in the mountains, and they are sometimes aided by Saudis who help them stay under-cover from the police in return for money.
According to the policeman, who is assigned to a local police department that monitors violations of foreign residents, said that at least '500 illegal residents are rounded up every night. Most of them are men.'
'They confess that they came to Mecca looking for a source of living,' he said, adding: 'They admit that they have not come for the Hajj or the Ummra (pilgrimages). Some claim they're Muslims while they're not.'
Some Mecca residents feel insecure around foreigners, who are often accused of violence. But the authorities failed to clamp down on them and only struck when crimes happened, some Saudis complain.
The Afghans, reportedly with expired visas, live in an area called al-Masafy Mountain, near the Old City - the central area where the al-Masjid al-Haram mosque and the Kaaba are located. The Burmese and the Pakistanis are largely based in Qouz al-Nakassa.
In Hosh Bakr, near al-Mansour district, where hundreds of Nigerian Muslims have been living for decades, one can see the misery. Amid the dirt and the garbage, their make-shift camps have slowly turned into brick and mud houses.
No larger than a cabin, each house is said to take in at least a family of five or six, some even more. Built along the rugged foothills of the mountain, the houses have neither sewerage nor electricity.
The people live on bottles of expired milk, juices and food that are sold cheaply. Water tankers tagged 'Well water, not suitable for drinking' drive around the area. The people use it for drinking and washing because it is affordable. A local resident explains that this is their only water supply.
No statistics on mortality rates in the area are available, as many inhabitants have neither papers nor identification. But accidents and disease are common in their communities.
Hanan al-Matrafy, a physician at a local clinic, said that particularly skin rashes and diseases were spreading quickly, as were diarrhoea and common colds.
However, she insisted that state hospitals were frequently sending health campaigns and nurses into these areas, providing free medication and vaccinations to both authorized and unauthorized residents.
'The state is keen that infections are not spread,' al-Matrafy said. Yet, some services, such as assistance at birth, are not free.
In the quarters around their houses, the African Muslims engage in their morning activities setting up their local flea-market, where they sell food, second-hand clothes, rusty car spares, old toys and many other goods, which some people claim are stolen.
The locals recognize strangers straightaway, and are afraid of talking to the press. Most of them, especially the older ones, do not even speak Arabic.
One of the few Saudis living among the foreigners said that their fear came from 'the constant police raids that these areas are subjected to.'
The young man, who wanted to remain anonymous, said that local authorities imposed a daily midnight-to-dawn curfew on these areas. 'When I attempt to go out after dusk, I meet several checkpoints, and I'm asked all kinds of questions even though I'm a Saudi.'
He said he had to justify himself for leaving his house, and repeatedly explain his whereabouts. But everyone in these areas faced the same security restrictions.
'Everyone knows (the authorities) cannot control this (illegal) populace. If they arrest ten of them, 50 others will come in their place.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1290468.php/Mecca_a_sanctuary_for_non-Arab_illegal_dreamers
http://rawstory.com/news/dpa/Mecca_a_sanctuary_for_non_Arab_ille_04122007.html
Friday, April 13, 2007
Monday, April 09, 2007
ANALYSIS: Rage and protests mark the anniversary of Baghdad invasion (dpa)
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 9, 2007, 16:15 GMT
Baghdad - Four years after the US invasion of Iraq, large crowds bearing banners with anti-US slogans took to the streets in protest of the US presence across Iraq.
US troops seized Baghdad on April 9, 2003, taking control of the major palaces and ministries of the Baath regime and effectively toppling Saddam.
In Baghdad, the mood on the anniversary of this event, was that of caution even though the streets of the Iraqi capital were quieter than usual as a round-the-clock curfew took effect.
Many Iraqis say they do not feel safer despite foreign military presence and some are as eager to leave the country as they were years before. Officials, meanwhile, find it hard to predict the future of the war-torn country as the security's grip on militants and terror groups appears to waver.
'The situation after the occupation became crueler than during the reign of Saddam (Hussein),' said 34-year-old Wasslim Sabri.
'Saddam went, and a hundred other Saddams replaced him,' said Ibrahim Salman, who is in his late fifties. 'The murders we see are beyond even the mass graves of Saddam.'
Both Iraqi citizens said they were unable to spend quality time with their families amid the current unrest. Security at every street corner did not end the violence, even as people's movements were restricted, markets barricaded and entire neighbourhoods were sealed off.
In other Iraqi cities on Monday, rage and anger was evident as hundreds of thousands of Shiite protestors flocked to places such as Najaf to protest what they called the US 'occupation' of Iraq.
A so-called 'march of millions' was called for by radical Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, whose feared Mahdi army militia is believed to have infiltrated Iraqi police and army ranks and is considered responsible for violence targeting Sunni Arabs as well as foreign and local armed forces across Iraq.
Those who did not protest kept to their homes for fear of an outbreak of violence related to the anniversary. In the media, Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds argued on whether the US invasion has brought about any peace or freedom.
Talking to pan-Arab Al-Jazeera, a Sunni Iraqi expert said that the only freedom that the 'Americans have brought is the freedom of the occupier to kill Iraqis,' adding that Iraq had suffered more after the invasion.
Ismail Zayyer, editor of al-Sabah al-Jadeed newspaper, responded that Iraq had always suffered problems, especially under Saddam. Shiites were largely marginalized. Kurds were heavily oppressed under the ex-dictator's reign, as thousands of men, women and children were reportedly attacked by chemical weapons and killed in their homes.
The arguments extended to include government officials. Sunni leaders rejected the US presence and blamed it for the ongoing violence, while some Shiite leaders blamed Saddam.
Saddam's regime 'carries the main responsibility to what Iraq has become now,' said Jalal al-Din al-Sagheer, a Shiite deputy of the United Iraqi Alliance which has 128 seats in parliament.
Adnan al-Duleimy, leader of the Sunni Iraqi Accord Front which has 44 seats in parliament, blamed the US, saying it had followed 'misleading information' in order to enter Iraq, 'turning the arena into a place where sectarian and confessional vindictive acts have spread.'
Still, others blamed both Islamists and foreign forces for the 'chaos,' including some Shiite forces like the Sadr faction.
Paradoxically, this invasion and the subsequent political developments has empowered Shiites, including the Sadrists, allowing them to participate in the political scene, which they were deprived of during Saddam's reign.
Nevertheless, Sadrists - such as former Baathists and Sunni insurgents - deem the US presence 'foreign occupation' and say that the multi-national forces should be driven out of the country because they lie at 'the core of sectarian violence.'
But whether it was driven by the occupation or the underlying religious tensions that have been simmering for years under the surface, none of the parties could deny that the face of Baghdad has changed forever due to the daily kidnappings, targeted and random murders, and bombings.
Government policies, enacted to stabilize the situation and end the surging violence between different sects, were ineffective so far - according to observers. Fard al-Qanoon, the new security plan, was liable to fail as even some officials have predicted.
When raids intensified in notorious neighbourhoods around the capital, militants flew to other cities and started attacking from there. The battlefield between security forces and insurgents was only relocated but the bloodshed continued.
Even US forces have failed to clamp down once and for all on terror networks and on the spreading insurgency, leaving people around Iraq in a dilemma. On the one hand, US presence remains largely ineffective, while on the other, a withdrawal of its forces could lead to 'a disaster.'
Speaker of parliament Mahmoud Al-Meshadany says in the April edition of pan-Arab magazine Al-Watan Al-Arabi that the new security plan was the 'only means' to resolve the deteriorating situation.
But he also said that the execution of the plan was 'flawed' and the lack of real support for it could very well lead to its failure.
'And if it failed, the US administration will fail in its Iraq project, the Iraqi political project will be disintegrated, and the greater Middle East project will fall apart,' he was quoted as saying.
'With this, all the American dreams will fall and (the failure) will open the gates of hell on (George W) Bush and Tony Blair.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=NjE3ODA0NTI3
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1289028.php/ANALYSIS_Rage_and_protests_mark_the_anniversary_of_Baghdad_invasion
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_23402-ANALYSIS-Rage-And-Protests-Mark-The-Anniversary-Of-Baghdad-Invasion.html
http://jurnalo.com/jurnalo/storyPage.do?story_id=28236
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 9, 2007, 16:15 GMT
Baghdad - Four years after the US invasion of Iraq, large crowds bearing banners with anti-US slogans took to the streets in protest of the US presence across Iraq.
US troops seized Baghdad on April 9, 2003, taking control of the major palaces and ministries of the Baath regime and effectively toppling Saddam.
In Baghdad, the mood on the anniversary of this event, was that of caution even though the streets of the Iraqi capital were quieter than usual as a round-the-clock curfew took effect.
Many Iraqis say they do not feel safer despite foreign military presence and some are as eager to leave the country as they were years before. Officials, meanwhile, find it hard to predict the future of the war-torn country as the security's grip on militants and terror groups appears to waver.
'The situation after the occupation became crueler than during the reign of Saddam (Hussein),' said 34-year-old Wasslim Sabri.
'Saddam went, and a hundred other Saddams replaced him,' said Ibrahim Salman, who is in his late fifties. 'The murders we see are beyond even the mass graves of Saddam.'
Both Iraqi citizens said they were unable to spend quality time with their families amid the current unrest. Security at every street corner did not end the violence, even as people's movements were restricted, markets barricaded and entire neighbourhoods were sealed off.
In other Iraqi cities on Monday, rage and anger was evident as hundreds of thousands of Shiite protestors flocked to places such as Najaf to protest what they called the US 'occupation' of Iraq.
A so-called 'march of millions' was called for by radical Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, whose feared Mahdi army militia is believed to have infiltrated Iraqi police and army ranks and is considered responsible for violence targeting Sunni Arabs as well as foreign and local armed forces across Iraq.
Those who did not protest kept to their homes for fear of an outbreak of violence related to the anniversary. In the media, Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds argued on whether the US invasion has brought about any peace or freedom.
Talking to pan-Arab Al-Jazeera, a Sunni Iraqi expert said that the only freedom that the 'Americans have brought is the freedom of the occupier to kill Iraqis,' adding that Iraq had suffered more after the invasion.
Ismail Zayyer, editor of al-Sabah al-Jadeed newspaper, responded that Iraq had always suffered problems, especially under Saddam. Shiites were largely marginalized. Kurds were heavily oppressed under the ex-dictator's reign, as thousands of men, women and children were reportedly attacked by chemical weapons and killed in their homes.
The arguments extended to include government officials. Sunni leaders rejected the US presence and blamed it for the ongoing violence, while some Shiite leaders blamed Saddam.
Saddam's regime 'carries the main responsibility to what Iraq has become now,' said Jalal al-Din al-Sagheer, a Shiite deputy of the United Iraqi Alliance which has 128 seats in parliament.
Adnan al-Duleimy, leader of the Sunni Iraqi Accord Front which has 44 seats in parliament, blamed the US, saying it had followed 'misleading information' in order to enter Iraq, 'turning the arena into a place where sectarian and confessional vindictive acts have spread.'
Still, others blamed both Islamists and foreign forces for the 'chaos,' including some Shiite forces like the Sadr faction.
Paradoxically, this invasion and the subsequent political developments has empowered Shiites, including the Sadrists, allowing them to participate in the political scene, which they were deprived of during Saddam's reign.
Nevertheless, Sadrists - such as former Baathists and Sunni insurgents - deem the US presence 'foreign occupation' and say that the multi-national forces should be driven out of the country because they lie at 'the core of sectarian violence.'
But whether it was driven by the occupation or the underlying religious tensions that have been simmering for years under the surface, none of the parties could deny that the face of Baghdad has changed forever due to the daily kidnappings, targeted and random murders, and bombings.
Government policies, enacted to stabilize the situation and end the surging violence between different sects, were ineffective so far - according to observers. Fard al-Qanoon, the new security plan, was liable to fail as even some officials have predicted.
When raids intensified in notorious neighbourhoods around the capital, militants flew to other cities and started attacking from there. The battlefield between security forces and insurgents was only relocated but the bloodshed continued.
Even US forces have failed to clamp down once and for all on terror networks and on the spreading insurgency, leaving people around Iraq in a dilemma. On the one hand, US presence remains largely ineffective, while on the other, a withdrawal of its forces could lead to 'a disaster.'
Speaker of parliament Mahmoud Al-Meshadany says in the April edition of pan-Arab magazine Al-Watan Al-Arabi that the new security plan was the 'only means' to resolve the deteriorating situation.
But he also said that the execution of the plan was 'flawed' and the lack of real support for it could very well lead to its failure.
'And if it failed, the US administration will fail in its Iraq project, the Iraqi political project will be disintegrated, and the greater Middle East project will fall apart,' he was quoted as saying.
'With this, all the American dreams will fall and (the failure) will open the gates of hell on (George W) Bush and Tony Blair.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=NjE3ODA0NTI3
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1289028.php/ANALYSIS_Rage_and_protests_mark_the_anniversary_of_Baghdad_invasion
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_23402-ANALYSIS-Rage-And-Protests-Mark-The-Anniversary-Of-Baghdad-Invasion.html
http://jurnalo.com/jurnalo/storyPage.do?story_id=28236
Saturday, April 07, 2007
Analysis: Arab leaders cautions on Arab-Israeli negotiations (dpa)
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 29, 2007, 19:07 GMT
Riyadh - Renewing faith in the Saudi-proposed land-for-peace initiative, Arab leaders ended their two-day summit on Thursday with a warning to their 'peace partner' Israel that hopes of a violence- free region would collapse if Tel Aviv rejects their 'extended hand.'
The ball is in Israel's court now: that was the message that Arab leaders strongly sent not only to the Jewish state but also to the international community and Israeli allies.
'The Israeli and Palestinian peace dream could be achieved if good intentions and a sheer will are present,' Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas told official delegations. Discussions continued Thursday in Riyadh.
Abbas said Arabs are ready to 'double the efforts' in order to initiate a 'balanced and fair peace process' but gave a warning that 'putting off' action and 'wasting time' will only endanger the region with 'wars.'
The leaders agreed to relaunch the 2002 Arab initiative, promising full normalization with Israel and Arab recognition of the Jewish state in return for a full Israeli pull out from the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, including Jerusalem, and a withdrawal from the Golan Heights in Syria and some territories in southern Lebanon.
The proposal also includes terms that would guarantee the right of return to thousand of Palestinian refugees stranded in poor conditions across hosting Arab countries.
The Arab leaders collectively cheered the ambitious land-for-peace deal, regarding it as an extended hand of peace to Israel.
But the Arab leadership seemed anxious and perturbed over the anticipated Israeli response to the deal. Remarks by most of them, according to independent observers, betrayed doubt that Israel will accept the terms of this deal.
'There is no response from Israel so far,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told reporters Thursday. 'Israel wants normalization only, they do not want negotiations.'
Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi foreign minister, said the time frame for the offer depended on Israel and its readiness to directly negotiate, but also indicated no other arrangements would be considered.
'When Israel returns the rights of the Palestinians, Arab states will be ready to sign a peace deal with Israel,' the minister said. '
'If this happens next year,' the peace deal will be signed next year, he said. 'It is not feasible that Israel would replace this deal with another.'
Moussa repeated that the Arabic position was that normalization would 'not be for free.'
Ismail Haniyeh, Palestinian premier, said the summit showed that the problem 'is not with the Arabs or the Palestinians. It is the problem of the Israelis.'
'They refuse to have a discussion on the Arab initiatives and refuse to recognize the legitimate right of return of the Palestinian people,' he said.
Saeb Erakat, senior Palestinian negotiator, earlier charged that Israel was trying to 'block' the channels that had been opened from the Palestinian side.
The Arab League intends to submit its offer to the United Nations and international community as a framework of action, discussion and negotiation.
'We are the most keen when it comes to international laws, (because) we are the side which paid the highest price. We suffered and we still (suffer) from isolation, massacres and prisons,' said Abbas.
An Arab committee, headed by Saudi leadership, would be formed to follow up and engage with the Mideast Quartet - Russia, the US, the United Nations and European Union - which have laid out a roadmap for peace that includes a two-state solution.
The Arab committee is expected to include 13 countries, including Egypt, Jordan and Morocco, who will be negotiating directly with Israel.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon told Arab leaders Wednesday that 'the Arab peace initiative is one of the pillars of the peace process.'
'When I was in Israel, I urged my Israeli friends to take a fresh look,' he said.
Local commentators reflected the reproach for Israel shown by leaders at the summit. In a Saudi newspaper, an analysis expressed concern that Israel would feel threatened by the Arabs' so-called 'show of strength' and apparent unified message.
In a newspaper comic strip, a large hand tagged 'Arab summit' held out a white dove in a peace overture toward another hand bearing the Jewish Star of David, clenched in a fist.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link(s): http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1284637.php/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab-Israeli_negotiations
http://www.eux.tv/article.aspx?articleId=5644
http://www.neurope.eu/view_news.php?id=72153
http://rawstory.com/news/dpa/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab_Israe_03292007.html
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 29, 2007, 19:07 GMT
Riyadh - Renewing faith in the Saudi-proposed land-for-peace initiative, Arab leaders ended their two-day summit on Thursday with a warning to their 'peace partner' Israel that hopes of a violence- free region would collapse if Tel Aviv rejects their 'extended hand.'
The ball is in Israel's court now: that was the message that Arab leaders strongly sent not only to the Jewish state but also to the international community and Israeli allies.
'The Israeli and Palestinian peace dream could be achieved if good intentions and a sheer will are present,' Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas told official delegations. Discussions continued Thursday in Riyadh.
Abbas said Arabs are ready to 'double the efforts' in order to initiate a 'balanced and fair peace process' but gave a warning that 'putting off' action and 'wasting time' will only endanger the region with 'wars.'
The leaders agreed to relaunch the 2002 Arab initiative, promising full normalization with Israel and Arab recognition of the Jewish state in return for a full Israeli pull out from the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, including Jerusalem, and a withdrawal from the Golan Heights in Syria and some territories in southern Lebanon.
The proposal also includes terms that would guarantee the right of return to thousand of Palestinian refugees stranded in poor conditions across hosting Arab countries.
The Arab leaders collectively cheered the ambitious land-for-peace deal, regarding it as an extended hand of peace to Israel.
But the Arab leadership seemed anxious and perturbed over the anticipated Israeli response to the deal. Remarks by most of them, according to independent observers, betrayed doubt that Israel will accept the terms of this deal.
'There is no response from Israel so far,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told reporters Thursday. 'Israel wants normalization only, they do not want negotiations.'
Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi foreign minister, said the time frame for the offer depended on Israel and its readiness to directly negotiate, but also indicated no other arrangements would be considered.
'When Israel returns the rights of the Palestinians, Arab states will be ready to sign a peace deal with Israel,' the minister said. '
'If this happens next year,' the peace deal will be signed next year, he said. 'It is not feasible that Israel would replace this deal with another.'
Moussa repeated that the Arabic position was that normalization would 'not be for free.'
Ismail Haniyeh, Palestinian premier, said the summit showed that the problem 'is not with the Arabs or the Palestinians. It is the problem of the Israelis.'
'They refuse to have a discussion on the Arab initiatives and refuse to recognize the legitimate right of return of the Palestinian people,' he said.
Saeb Erakat, senior Palestinian negotiator, earlier charged that Israel was trying to 'block' the channels that had been opened from the Palestinian side.
The Arab League intends to submit its offer to the United Nations and international community as a framework of action, discussion and negotiation.
'We are the most keen when it comes to international laws, (because) we are the side which paid the highest price. We suffered and we still (suffer) from isolation, massacres and prisons,' said Abbas.
An Arab committee, headed by Saudi leadership, would be formed to follow up and engage with the Mideast Quartet - Russia, the US, the United Nations and European Union - which have laid out a roadmap for peace that includes a two-state solution.
The Arab committee is expected to include 13 countries, including Egypt, Jordan and Morocco, who will be negotiating directly with Israel.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon told Arab leaders Wednesday that 'the Arab peace initiative is one of the pillars of the peace process.'
'When I was in Israel, I urged my Israeli friends to take a fresh look,' he said.
Local commentators reflected the reproach for Israel shown by leaders at the summit. In a Saudi newspaper, an analysis expressed concern that Israel would feel threatened by the Arabs' so-called 'show of strength' and apparent unified message.
In a newspaper comic strip, a large hand tagged 'Arab summit' held out a white dove in a peace overture toward another hand bearing the Jewish Star of David, clenched in a fist.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link(s): http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1284637.php/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab-Israeli_negotiations
http://www.eux.tv/article.aspx?articleId=5644
http://www.neurope.eu/view_news.php?id=72153
http://rawstory.com/news/dpa/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab_Israe_03292007.html
News Feature: Mideast faces "unprecedented" challenges - Amr Moussa
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 28, 2007, 16:19 GMT
Riyadh - The region faces challenges 'unprecedented in the contemporary history of both the Middle East and Arab World,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told Wednesday's opening of the Arab League summit in Riyadh Wednesday.
The Arab world was facing 'a dangerous situation,' he warned. Arab leaders had to beware of passivity and moves without real achievements that could take their efforts 'back to square one.'
Adopting a similar line during a round of opening speeches, Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdel-Aziz blamed Arab leaders' disputes and their failure to take a united stand for the crisis in the Middle East. He urged Arabs to overcome their confessional conflicts.
'What have we achieved during all those past years in order to solve (our disputes)? I don't lay the blame on the Arab League, because the Arab League all but accurately reflects our state,' the Saudi king said.
'Our continuous disputes, our refusal to pursue unity - all this has made the (Arab) nation lose trust in our credibility, and lose hope,' he said. 'Dissent is not our fate, and backwardness is not our final destiny.' But he stressed that he remained full of hope 'despite reasons for desperation.'
Remarks by many addressing the summit showed distress over the deteriorating situation in different parts of the war-ravaged region.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, who spoke as a guest, spoke of the 'complex challenges' the Middle East was facing.
'The Middle East is more complex, more fragile and more dangerous than it has been in a long time,' he said.
Summit speeches were dominated by sectarian strife in Iraq verging on civil war, and the political standoff in Lebanon and the situation in Darfur.
Observers said the common denominator at the summit was the leaders' plea for Arab states to 'unite' and prioritize regional interests.
The summit - hosted for the first time by Saudi Arabia - is reviving a 2002 Saudi peace proposal that promises Arab recognition of Israel in return for a full pullout from the occupied territories.
The meeting features delegations from many Arab states - although there are notable absences including Libya, which earlier officially announced a boycott.
The agenda was also dominated by the situation in the Palestinian territories and formation there of a national unity government, cautiously received by the Western community and rejected by Israel.
The opening session also heard mention of Iran's nuclear programme and sanctions which the United Nations has agreed to impose.
Although leaders rejected any military nuclear programme, they insisted that 'dialogue and negotiations' remained the absolute means of solving any nuclear case.
'Talks and negotiations are the way to resolve these issues, just as other issues in other parts (of the world) have been resolved, without coercive procedures that are not necessarily in the interest of what is required to (maintain) regional security,' Mussa said.
Bilateral talks involving the various Arab leaders were meanwhile expected. Already, a closed-door meeting between Saudi King Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar Assad was reported to have taken place.
Saudi authorities are hoping to mediate a reconciliation between Lebanon's pro-Syrian Hezbollah-led opposition and the cabinet of Prime Minister Fouad Seniora.
Independent observers said Saudi Arabia, a major US ally, was working towards achieving the position of power-broker in the conflict-torn region.
The Saudis were hoping to facilitate peace deals along the same lines as the Mecca deal, which late last year brought infighting between Fatah and Hamas to a halt and endorsed a truce that lead to the formation of a national unity government embracing both groups.
Saudi authorities have imposed heavy security for the two-day meeting, with government employees given a two-day leave from work and airport roads sealed off. Usually bustling Riyadh was more like a ghost city with many shops closed for the duration.
State television and the print media lavishly praised Saudi authorities as they host the event for the first time, featuring favourable opinions from analysts and the 'man in the street', while hoardings proclaim 'Welcome to the Land of Humanity and Peace'.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.cjp.org/content_display.html?ArticleID=212601
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1284051.php/Mideast_faces_"unprecedented_
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 28, 2007, 16:19 GMT
Riyadh - The region faces challenges 'unprecedented in the contemporary history of both the Middle East and Arab World,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told Wednesday's opening of the Arab League summit in Riyadh Wednesday.
The Arab world was facing 'a dangerous situation,' he warned. Arab leaders had to beware of passivity and moves without real achievements that could take their efforts 'back to square one.'
Adopting a similar line during a round of opening speeches, Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdel-Aziz blamed Arab leaders' disputes and their failure to take a united stand for the crisis in the Middle East. He urged Arabs to overcome their confessional conflicts.
'What have we achieved during all those past years in order to solve (our disputes)? I don't lay the blame on the Arab League, because the Arab League all but accurately reflects our state,' the Saudi king said.
'Our continuous disputes, our refusal to pursue unity - all this has made the (Arab) nation lose trust in our credibility, and lose hope,' he said. 'Dissent is not our fate, and backwardness is not our final destiny.' But he stressed that he remained full of hope 'despite reasons for desperation.'
Remarks by many addressing the summit showed distress over the deteriorating situation in different parts of the war-ravaged region.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, who spoke as a guest, spoke of the 'complex challenges' the Middle East was facing.
'The Middle East is more complex, more fragile and more dangerous than it has been in a long time,' he said.
Summit speeches were dominated by sectarian strife in Iraq verging on civil war, and the political standoff in Lebanon and the situation in Darfur.
Observers said the common denominator at the summit was the leaders' plea for Arab states to 'unite' and prioritize regional interests.
The summit - hosted for the first time by Saudi Arabia - is reviving a 2002 Saudi peace proposal that promises Arab recognition of Israel in return for a full pullout from the occupied territories.
The meeting features delegations from many Arab states - although there are notable absences including Libya, which earlier officially announced a boycott.
The agenda was also dominated by the situation in the Palestinian territories and formation there of a national unity government, cautiously received by the Western community and rejected by Israel.
The opening session also heard mention of Iran's nuclear programme and sanctions which the United Nations has agreed to impose.
Although leaders rejected any military nuclear programme, they insisted that 'dialogue and negotiations' remained the absolute means of solving any nuclear case.
'Talks and negotiations are the way to resolve these issues, just as other issues in other parts (of the world) have been resolved, without coercive procedures that are not necessarily in the interest of what is required to (maintain) regional security,' Mussa said.
Bilateral talks involving the various Arab leaders were meanwhile expected. Already, a closed-door meeting between Saudi King Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar Assad was reported to have taken place.
Saudi authorities are hoping to mediate a reconciliation between Lebanon's pro-Syrian Hezbollah-led opposition and the cabinet of Prime Minister Fouad Seniora.
Independent observers said Saudi Arabia, a major US ally, was working towards achieving the position of power-broker in the conflict-torn region.
The Saudis were hoping to facilitate peace deals along the same lines as the Mecca deal, which late last year brought infighting between Fatah and Hamas to a halt and endorsed a truce that lead to the formation of a national unity government embracing both groups.
Saudi authorities have imposed heavy security for the two-day meeting, with government employees given a two-day leave from work and airport roads sealed off. Usually bustling Riyadh was more like a ghost city with many shops closed for the duration.
State television and the print media lavishly praised Saudi authorities as they host the event for the first time, featuring favourable opinions from analysts and the 'man in the street', while hoardings proclaim 'Welcome to the Land of Humanity and Peace'.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.cjp.org/content_display.html?ArticleID=212601
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1284051.php/Mideast_faces_"unprecedented_
REAX: Mixed feelings in Egypt ahead of key referendum (dpa)
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 25, 2007, 18:13 GMT
Cairo - Ahead of Monday's referendum on the amendment of 34 constitutional articles, the mood on the Egyptian street is fluctuating between two extremes.
The opposition forces are enraged by the proposed amendments while the man in the street is displaying marked indifference.
The amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, stripping citizens of basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Central Cairo and top national universities have been witnessing a wave of opposition protests, led by such forces as the Kifaya (Enough) movement and the banned Muslim Brotherhood, over the government-backed draft of the proposed changes.
During Monday's referendum, Egyptians are being asked to vote on the entire draft of amendments, without being able to reject some and approve others. The same applied to Egypt's lower house of parliament, which discussed, reviewed and initially approved the changes as a package.
Amongst others, the draft amendments introduce a new anti-terror bill under Article 179 that places binding restrictions on Egyptians. The restrictions were deemed by many as an 'infringement' of personal privacy.
For instance, in case of emergencies and threats to national security, which are defined vaguely by the proposed bill, the police has the right to bypass individual freedoms.
In such cases, the monitoring of private phones and correspondence would be allowed, and arrests without warrants and the referral of civilians to military courts would be sanctioned.
Many opposition members believe that the new anti-terrorism law re-introduces the long-standing state of emergency 'under a different name.'
In addition, a much-anticipated change that has been called for by many Muslim and Coptic Christian thinkers has been overlooked. Article 2 of the constitution which enshrines Islamic law as the main and only source of law is not being changed.
Many intellectuals had called for this change, deeming it the benchmark of equality of citizenship in Egypt.
Independent observers have said that ignoring such an article was a deliberate act by the government, who is seen to be 'at war' with the conservative Muslim Brotherhood.
Many of the proposed changes to the constitution (such as banning religious parties) are seen to be directly targeting the banned, yet popular, Muslim Brothers.
Meanwhile, observers are saying that there will be a low turnout for the national referendum.
Many say that the lack of faith in the Egyptian regime, the disinterest of the man on the street - weighed down by economic and financial difficulties - will decide the fate of the amendments. Awaiting the much-criticized vote, ordinary Egyptians seem reluctant to give their opinions or even invest effort in protest.
'People do not believe or even understand that they can cause change,' said Mohammed Sayyid Saed, political analyst and a former leftist. 'There is a feeling of powerlessness.'
A random sampling of the views of the man on the street confirms the analysts' remarks. Many of those interviewed refused to be identified for fear of the security police.
A 35-year-old Egyptian taxi driver, who spoke on condition of anonymity, was dismissive of the proposed constitutional changes and the opposition.
'Those who said 'No' achieved nothing. (Imprisoned politician) Ayman Nour said no, and see where he is now,' the driver said. 'What they (opposition forces) are doing is meaningless.'
He added that he will not vote on Monday; 'I give my vote to something that would benefit me and benefit the people. If there is no benefit, then it's better to attend to one's job and other matters.'
People are more concerned with their own financial problems, it seems, and many have lost faith in politics.
But despite the expected low turnout, opposition protests are currently being prepared for and the possible police response to them are dreaded.
A few days before the referendum, security forces and truckloads of riot police are spread in and around Cairo.
'They plan to abort the pickets before they even begin, and they're giving a message to the opposition through the beefed-up security,' said Saed.
One opposition senior leader said that the opposition would not disclose their specific plans in advance.
'The government is in a state of vigilance, so we will not disclose now what we will do on Monday,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, the liberal al-Ghad leader. 'But we will do all we can to stop these changes from taking place, and impede the referendum.'
As the opposition prepares, the government are campaigning in the media to promote the amendments and urge people to vote.
Terms such as 'civic duty' and 'sacred obligation' were being extensively used in an attempt to encourage people to head to the ballot boxes on Monday.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1282663.php/Mixed_feelings_in_Egypt_ahead_of_key_referendum
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 25, 2007, 18:13 GMT
Cairo - Ahead of Monday's referendum on the amendment of 34 constitutional articles, the mood on the Egyptian street is fluctuating between two extremes.
The opposition forces are enraged by the proposed amendments while the man in the street is displaying marked indifference.
The amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, stripping citizens of basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Central Cairo and top national universities have been witnessing a wave of opposition protests, led by such forces as the Kifaya (Enough) movement and the banned Muslim Brotherhood, over the government-backed draft of the proposed changes.
During Monday's referendum, Egyptians are being asked to vote on the entire draft of amendments, without being able to reject some and approve others. The same applied to Egypt's lower house of parliament, which discussed, reviewed and initially approved the changes as a package.
Amongst others, the draft amendments introduce a new anti-terror bill under Article 179 that places binding restrictions on Egyptians. The restrictions were deemed by many as an 'infringement' of personal privacy.
For instance, in case of emergencies and threats to national security, which are defined vaguely by the proposed bill, the police has the right to bypass individual freedoms.
In such cases, the monitoring of private phones and correspondence would be allowed, and arrests without warrants and the referral of civilians to military courts would be sanctioned.
Many opposition members believe that the new anti-terrorism law re-introduces the long-standing state of emergency 'under a different name.'
In addition, a much-anticipated change that has been called for by many Muslim and Coptic Christian thinkers has been overlooked. Article 2 of the constitution which enshrines Islamic law as the main and only source of law is not being changed.
Many intellectuals had called for this change, deeming it the benchmark of equality of citizenship in Egypt.
Independent observers have said that ignoring such an article was a deliberate act by the government, who is seen to be 'at war' with the conservative Muslim Brotherhood.
Many of the proposed changes to the constitution (such as banning religious parties) are seen to be directly targeting the banned, yet popular, Muslim Brothers.
Meanwhile, observers are saying that there will be a low turnout for the national referendum.
Many say that the lack of faith in the Egyptian regime, the disinterest of the man on the street - weighed down by economic and financial difficulties - will decide the fate of the amendments. Awaiting the much-criticized vote, ordinary Egyptians seem reluctant to give their opinions or even invest effort in protest.
'People do not believe or even understand that they can cause change,' said Mohammed Sayyid Saed, political analyst and a former leftist. 'There is a feeling of powerlessness.'
A random sampling of the views of the man on the street confirms the analysts' remarks. Many of those interviewed refused to be identified for fear of the security police.
A 35-year-old Egyptian taxi driver, who spoke on condition of anonymity, was dismissive of the proposed constitutional changes and the opposition.
'Those who said 'No' achieved nothing. (Imprisoned politician) Ayman Nour said no, and see where he is now,' the driver said. 'What they (opposition forces) are doing is meaningless.'
He added that he will not vote on Monday; 'I give my vote to something that would benefit me and benefit the people. If there is no benefit, then it's better to attend to one's job and other matters.'
People are more concerned with their own financial problems, it seems, and many have lost faith in politics.
But despite the expected low turnout, opposition protests are currently being prepared for and the possible police response to them are dreaded.
A few days before the referendum, security forces and truckloads of riot police are spread in and around Cairo.
'They plan to abort the pickets before they even begin, and they're giving a message to the opposition through the beefed-up security,' said Saed.
One opposition senior leader said that the opposition would not disclose their specific plans in advance.
'The government is in a state of vigilance, so we will not disclose now what we will do on Monday,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, the liberal al-Ghad leader. 'But we will do all we can to stop these changes from taking place, and impede the referendum.'
As the opposition prepares, the government are campaigning in the media to promote the amendments and urge people to vote.
Terms such as 'civic duty' and 'sacred obligation' were being extensively used in an attempt to encourage people to head to the ballot boxes on Monday.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1282663.php/Mixed_feelings_in_Egypt_ahead_of_key_referendum
ANALYSIS: Key supporters missing in Egypt's "battle for democracy" (dpa)
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 24, 2007, 10:19 GMT
Cairo - Egyptian liberal and conservative opposition groups say they have lost key supporters in their so-called 'battle for democracy,' in which they are protesting possible controversial amendments to Egypt's constitution.
Egypt is to hold a referendum Monday on the amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections.
The amendments are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, undermining basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Opposition members have underscored the absence of US support for their cause, while analysts deem this absence 'disappointing.' Meanwhile, most Coptic and Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, choosing neither to raise their voice in protest nor comment on the ongoing political row.
Last week, following the boycott of around 100 Muslim Brotherhood and independent lawmakers of two parliamentary sessions where the proposed amendments were finally discussed, the US expressed 'concern' over the political situation and the proposed changes.
US state department spokesman Sean McCormack said the amendments 'raise questions about whether or not the Egyptian government has in fact met its own standards and benchmarks.'
He declined to comment on President Hosni Mubarak's decision to move the referendum forward; a move which further angered opposition parties and sparked street protests.
Observers and activists alike expressed their 'disappointment' at the US' reaction, describing it as 'weak,' and 'falling short' of what they deemed 'real support.'
Observers have said that such a lack of support form the US makes the situation bleaker for the opposition.
In recent years, the US has been lending its support to liberal and pro-democracy activists in the Arab World, especially in Egypt.
For instance, during 2005's presidential and parliamentary elections, the US state department often issued strong statements against elements undermining democracy in Egypt, and against police brutality and restrictions on freedom of speech.
Arguably, the current absence of the kind of pressure imposed by the US state department during previous decisive political debates, has weakened the status opposition to the benefit of the government, and the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP).
According to Nabil Abdel-Fatah, senior political analyst at Egypt's Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, the US's disappearance from the political scene has given the government 'freedom to squash opposing voices, impose a police state and an authoritarian political system.'
Although some say that US support had not been particularly effective, others say that it had raised the opposition forces' morale - in turn increasing their outspokenness in facing the Egyptian government's steel grip on politics.
'In the presence of the US support, (the government) was not as violent in confronting opposition. They would not breach human rights against some of members (of the opposition) and they could not openly clamp down upon the opposition,' said Abdel-Fatah.
Nevertheless, Abdel-Fatah and other analysts, however, believe that the US government's position is as predictable as it is disappointing.
The regional state of affairs, according to analysts, has forced the US to strengthen its ties with its allies in the Middle East; countries such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia which have a moderate and friendly attitude towards the Western state.
US expectations that supporting opposition would curb the Islamist and conservative movements in the Middle East, and in turn growing insurgency and fundamentalism, have also been unmet.
'After 9/11, the US pressure on authoritarian regimes was due to expectations that the presence of reform, economic and political potential would put destroy the roots of terrorism and the justifications for it, and in turn make its own country safer,' according to Abdel-Fatah. But this did not happen in the manner the US had envisioned, he added.
In addition, the US's 'meddling' was met by criticism and resistance from these authoritarian regimes, their supporters and even some impartial intellectuals.
The US's status in the Middle East, where foreign policies have made its position weaker especially with regard to the Iraq, Palestinian and Lebanese cases, has arguably made matters worse for pro-democracy activists in some parts in the region.
The US is seen as in 'desperate' need of Arab regimes that could push for a peace process brokered by the US, and would consider the interests of Israel. This US need has empowered these regimes, regardless of how 'authoritarian' they are.
'The US is now facing the crisis in Iran, the siutation in Labanon, Israel's inability to destroy Hezbollah. And Iraq,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, senior leader of the al-Ghad liberal party. 'The US now feels that it is in need of these authoritarian regimes and so has stopped its support. The US' interests rule.'
Columnist and political writer Gamal Essam el-Din explains that the Egyptian regime does not care anymore about defaming its image, 'because there is no pressure on it.'
Meanwhile, state religious leaders have also been reduced to obsevers (perhaps by choice) of the political arena. Pope Shenouda, Patriarch of Alexandria and the spiritual leader of Coptic Christians, has distanced himself from the turmoil, only saying that the people have the opportunity to voice their opinions in the upcoming referendum.
Most Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, refusing to comment on the current crisis of sort.
However, on Friday, the Grand Azhar Sheikh Mohammed Sayyid Tantawy, one of the highest Muslim authorities in Egypt, spoke very briefly against refraining from participation in the constitutional referendum; urging the Muslims to vote without commenting on the current affairs.
Analyst Abdel-Fatah deemed Shenouda's reaction 'a politically astute answer,' adding that Muslim leaders - most of them government employees - are avoiding any type of confrontation with theregime.
'They don't want to say anything negative, anything that could lead to problems with the government,' he said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1282282.php/ANALYSIS_Key_supporters_missing_in_Egypts_"battle_for_democracy"
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=MTE5ODU1NTEzMw==
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 24, 2007, 10:19 GMT
Cairo - Egyptian liberal and conservative opposition groups say they have lost key supporters in their so-called 'battle for democracy,' in which they are protesting possible controversial amendments to Egypt's constitution.
Egypt is to hold a referendum Monday on the amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections.
The amendments are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, undermining basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Opposition members have underscored the absence of US support for their cause, while analysts deem this absence 'disappointing.' Meanwhile, most Coptic and Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, choosing neither to raise their voice in protest nor comment on the ongoing political row.
Last week, following the boycott of around 100 Muslim Brotherhood and independent lawmakers of two parliamentary sessions where the proposed amendments were finally discussed, the US expressed 'concern' over the political situation and the proposed changes.
US state department spokesman Sean McCormack said the amendments 'raise questions about whether or not the Egyptian government has in fact met its own standards and benchmarks.'
He declined to comment on President Hosni Mubarak's decision to move the referendum forward; a move which further angered opposition parties and sparked street protests.
Observers and activists alike expressed their 'disappointment' at the US' reaction, describing it as 'weak,' and 'falling short' of what they deemed 'real support.'
Observers have said that such a lack of support form the US makes the situation bleaker for the opposition.
In recent years, the US has been lending its support to liberal and pro-democracy activists in the Arab World, especially in Egypt.
For instance, during 2005's presidential and parliamentary elections, the US state department often issued strong statements against elements undermining democracy in Egypt, and against police brutality and restrictions on freedom of speech.
Arguably, the current absence of the kind of pressure imposed by the US state department during previous decisive political debates, has weakened the status opposition to the benefit of the government, and the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP).
According to Nabil Abdel-Fatah, senior political analyst at Egypt's Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, the US's disappearance from the political scene has given the government 'freedom to squash opposing voices, impose a police state and an authoritarian political system.'
Although some say that US support had not been particularly effective, others say that it had raised the opposition forces' morale - in turn increasing their outspokenness in facing the Egyptian government's steel grip on politics.
'In the presence of the US support, (the government) was not as violent in confronting opposition. They would not breach human rights against some of members (of the opposition) and they could not openly clamp down upon the opposition,' said Abdel-Fatah.
Nevertheless, Abdel-Fatah and other analysts, however, believe that the US government's position is as predictable as it is disappointing.
The regional state of affairs, according to analysts, has forced the US to strengthen its ties with its allies in the Middle East; countries such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia which have a moderate and friendly attitude towards the Western state.
US expectations that supporting opposition would curb the Islamist and conservative movements in the Middle East, and in turn growing insurgency and fundamentalism, have also been unmet.
'After 9/11, the US pressure on authoritarian regimes was due to expectations that the presence of reform, economic and political potential would put destroy the roots of terrorism and the justifications for it, and in turn make its own country safer,' according to Abdel-Fatah. But this did not happen in the manner the US had envisioned, he added.
In addition, the US's 'meddling' was met by criticism and resistance from these authoritarian regimes, their supporters and even some impartial intellectuals.
The US's status in the Middle East, where foreign policies have made its position weaker especially with regard to the Iraq, Palestinian and Lebanese cases, has arguably made matters worse for pro-democracy activists in some parts in the region.
The US is seen as in 'desperate' need of Arab regimes that could push for a peace process brokered by the US, and would consider the interests of Israel. This US need has empowered these regimes, regardless of how 'authoritarian' they are.
'The US is now facing the crisis in Iran, the siutation in Labanon, Israel's inability to destroy Hezbollah. And Iraq,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, senior leader of the al-Ghad liberal party. 'The US now feels that it is in need of these authoritarian regimes and so has stopped its support. The US' interests rule.'
Columnist and political writer Gamal Essam el-Din explains that the Egyptian regime does not care anymore about defaming its image, 'because there is no pressure on it.'
Meanwhile, state religious leaders have also been reduced to obsevers (perhaps by choice) of the political arena. Pope Shenouda, Patriarch of Alexandria and the spiritual leader of Coptic Christians, has distanced himself from the turmoil, only saying that the people have the opportunity to voice their opinions in the upcoming referendum.
Most Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, refusing to comment on the current crisis of sort.
However, on Friday, the Grand Azhar Sheikh Mohammed Sayyid Tantawy, one of the highest Muslim authorities in Egypt, spoke very briefly against refraining from participation in the constitutional referendum; urging the Muslims to vote without commenting on the current affairs.
Analyst Abdel-Fatah deemed Shenouda's reaction 'a politically astute answer,' adding that Muslim leaders - most of them government employees - are avoiding any type of confrontation with theregime.
'They don't want to say anything negative, anything that could lead to problems with the government,' he said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1282282.php/ANALYSIS_Key_supporters_missing_in_Egypts_"battle_for_democracy"
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=MTE5ODU1NTEzMw==
Friday, March 02, 2007
DPA: Christian-Muslim Clashes In Egyptian Town Leave Scars (shorter version/edited)
Middle East Features
07:30 AM, March 2nd 2007
By Pakinam Amer, Dpa
Authorities claim that "life returned to normal" in the wake of clashes between Christians and Muslims in the Upper Egypt town of Armant, but the incident appears to have left a deep scar on this once close-knit community.
The mid-February clashes were sparked following a series of rumours, the most serious and controversial being one about a "love relationship" between an engaged 17-year-old Muslim girl and Ramy, a Christian boy in his early 20s.
Issues of "honour" and "shame" are sensitive in Egypt, especially in parts of the country where societies are small and chiefly characterized by strong family ties and deep-seated customs.
Still, Armant - unlike other surrounding towns and cities - had no recorded history of violence between Christians and Muslims even though it once had harboured Muslim extremists in the 1980s, according to independent observers.
So when a vehicle and at least three stores, run by Christians, were torched near dawn by a group of eight Muslim youths, many locals expressed their shock - including the families of the attackers who said they had "strong ties with their Christian brothers in Armant."
The incident was "short-lived," said Mohammad Fathy, member of parliament who represents the constituency to which Armant, some 620 kilometres south of Cairo, belongs.
"A week later after the incident, life returned to normal," insisted Fathy. "Everyone, merchants and good people, stood together and compensated those affected by the clashes."
A few days after the clashes, the MP and members of the local council organized a "reconciliation meeting" where Christian and Muslim religious figures sought to calm the people and to "confirm ties of unity and intimacy" between the two religious groups.
"There is no fear now," said Makram Gerges Mansour, member of the local council and a Christian himself. "If you go down on the streets, you will find that life has not changed."
Some other Christians, however, are not so confident. Amonious Narouz Bekheit, a Christian in his 30s, is one of them, who can't forget how two weeks ago he woke up to the sound of pounding on his doors and neighbours shouting that his small photo shop was on fire.
Bekheit was questioned by the local authorities, and during interrogation, he was surprised to hear that his store was targeted by a group of eight teenagers - and not just because of the "love rumour" but also because of another one in which he was accused of circulating indecent pictures of Muslim girls, clients of his studio.
After the youths were arrested, according to the MP Fathy, one of them had told police about this rumour, claiming that Bekheit used to take pictures of Muslim women, electronically manipulate them, and then post them on the internet.
"My father and mother are from this town. How could I ever do something like this and expect to get away with it?" said Bekheit who does not even own a computer. "Now my reputation is ruined. And my business."
Abdel-Qader Hamza, father of 16-year-old Ammar - one of the Muslim youths involved in the attacks - said he was "stunned" by the violence. His wife had had a nervous breakdown and the four sisters were devastated.
"If my son has really done this, then I will be extremely angry with him," he said. "But I'm still sure that if my son did this, he did it spontaneously. There is no thought, planning or ideology behind this. It was an impulsive act."
Other rumours may also have fuelled the tensions, according to a man named Hassan who declined to disclose his last name for fear of being harassed by security police.
Hassan said that a few years ago, a rumour arose about "a Muslim boy who converted to Christianity and was later found dead. People say he was killed, others say he committed suicide."
Ramy Shaker Zaki and Samy Rezkallah, two young Christians who spend most of their afternoons in the MariGerges (St. George) church in Armant and who have Muslim friends, say the tensions are real.
Rezkallah and Zaki both said that they feel that "Muslims think they want to covert them to Christianity and they avoid them when they start talking about their religion."
After the mid-February incidents, the two boys admitted they had withdrawn from their Muslim friends. "We started to be afraid for ourselves, and for the Christian girls. We were afraid of dissension," said Zaki.
Zaki claimed that one of his Christian friends even overheard talk among Muslims who had wanted to attack a Christian mass.
After days of heavy police security measures which all but brought life to a standstill in Armant, the Church is urging Christians not to retaliate against the attacks.
"We were afraid," said Mohareb Nabih, an assistant priest at the Church of MariGerges. "I was afraid of the reaction of the impulsive young people - from both sides."
Even two weeks after the incident, the reluctance of many of the locals to talk about the incident shows that the fear is still there.
© 2007 DPA
Link: http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_16831-Christian-Muslim-Clashes-In-Egyptian-Town-Leave-Scars.html
Note: Scroll down for a longer unedited version of the same story.
07:30 AM, March 2nd 2007
By Pakinam Amer, Dpa
Authorities claim that "life returned to normal" in the wake of clashes between Christians and Muslims in the Upper Egypt town of Armant, but the incident appears to have left a deep scar on this once close-knit community.
The mid-February clashes were sparked following a series of rumours, the most serious and controversial being one about a "love relationship" between an engaged 17-year-old Muslim girl and Ramy, a Christian boy in his early 20s.
Issues of "honour" and "shame" are sensitive in Egypt, especially in parts of the country where societies are small and chiefly characterized by strong family ties and deep-seated customs.
Still, Armant - unlike other surrounding towns and cities - had no recorded history of violence between Christians and Muslims even though it once had harboured Muslim extremists in the 1980s, according to independent observers.
So when a vehicle and at least three stores, run by Christians, were torched near dawn by a group of eight Muslim youths, many locals expressed their shock - including the families of the attackers who said they had "strong ties with their Christian brothers in Armant."
The incident was "short-lived," said Mohammad Fathy, member of parliament who represents the constituency to which Armant, some 620 kilometres south of Cairo, belongs.
"A week later after the incident, life returned to normal," insisted Fathy. "Everyone, merchants and good people, stood together and compensated those affected by the clashes."
A few days after the clashes, the MP and members of the local council organized a "reconciliation meeting" where Christian and Muslim religious figures sought to calm the people and to "confirm ties of unity and intimacy" between the two religious groups.
"There is no fear now," said Makram Gerges Mansour, member of the local council and a Christian himself. "If you go down on the streets, you will find that life has not changed."
Some other Christians, however, are not so confident. Amonious Narouz Bekheit, a Christian in his 30s, is one of them, who can't forget how two weeks ago he woke up to the sound of pounding on his doors and neighbours shouting that his small photo shop was on fire.
Bekheit was questioned by the local authorities, and during interrogation, he was surprised to hear that his store was targeted by a group of eight teenagers - and not just because of the "love rumour" but also because of another one in which he was accused of circulating indecent pictures of Muslim girls, clients of his studio.
After the youths were arrested, according to the MP Fathy, one of them had told police about this rumour, claiming that Bekheit used to take pictures of Muslim women, electronically manipulate them, and then post them on the internet.
"My father and mother are from this town. How could I ever do something like this and expect to get away with it?" said Bekheit who does not even own a computer. "Now my reputation is ruined. And my business."
Abdel-Qader Hamza, father of 16-year-old Ammar - one of the Muslim youths involved in the attacks - said he was "stunned" by the violence. His wife had had a nervous breakdown and the four sisters were devastated.
"If my son has really done this, then I will be extremely angry with him," he said. "But I'm still sure that if my son did this, he did it spontaneously. There is no thought, planning or ideology behind this. It was an impulsive act."
Other rumours may also have fuelled the tensions, according to a man named Hassan who declined to disclose his last name for fear of being harassed by security police.
Hassan said that a few years ago, a rumour arose about "a Muslim boy who converted to Christianity and was later found dead. People say he was killed, others say he committed suicide."
Ramy Shaker Zaki and Samy Rezkallah, two young Christians who spend most of their afternoons in the MariGerges (St. George) church in Armant and who have Muslim friends, say the tensions are real.
Rezkallah and Zaki both said that they feel that "Muslims think they want to covert them to Christianity and they avoid them when they start talking about their religion."
After the mid-February incidents, the two boys admitted they had withdrawn from their Muslim friends. "We started to be afraid for ourselves, and for the Christian girls. We were afraid of dissension," said Zaki.
Zaki claimed that one of his Christian friends even overheard talk among Muslims who had wanted to attack a Christian mass.
After days of heavy police security measures which all but brought life to a standstill in Armant, the Church is urging Christians not to retaliate against the attacks.
"We were afraid," said Mohareb Nabih, an assistant priest at the Church of MariGerges. "I was afraid of the reaction of the impulsive young people - from both sides."
Even two weeks after the incident, the reluctance of many of the locals to talk about the incident shows that the fear is still there.
© 2007 DPA
Link: http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_16831-Christian-Muslim-Clashes-In-Egyptian-Town-Leave-Scars.html
Note: Scroll down for a longer unedited version of the same story.
DPA: Christian-Muslim clashes in Egyptian town leave behind a"dark shadow" (longer version/unedited)
Middle East Features
(unedited)
Egypt-Society/Religion/FEATURE: Christian-Muslim clashes in Egyptian town leave behind a"dark shadow" =
By Pakinam Amer, dpa
Luxor (dpa) - Despite the authorities‘ claims that "everything went back to normal" in the wake of clashes between Christians and Muslims in the Upper Egypt town of Armant, the incident appears to have left a deep scar on this once close-knit fragment of society.
The clashes, in mid February, were sparked following a series of rumors; the "gravest" and the most contentious of which was that of a"love relationship" between an engaged 17-year-old Muslim girl and Ramy, a Christian boy in his early twenties.
Issues of "honor" and "shame" are sensitive in Egypt, especially in parts of the country where societies are small and are primarily characterized by strong family ties and deep-seated customs.
Still, Armant -unlike other surrounding cities- had no recorded history of violence between Christians and Muslims even when this very city used to harbor Muslim extremists in 1980‘s, according to independent observers.
So when a vehicle and at least three stores, run by Christians, were torched near dawn by a group of eight Muslim youth, many expressed their shock - including the families of the attackers who have, as they described, "strong ties with their Christian brothers in Armant."
The incident was "short-lived," said Mohammad Fathy, the member of Parliament who represents the constituency to which Armant, 18 kilometres south of Luxor (600 kilometres south of Cairo), belongs.
"A week later after the incident, life returned to normal," insisted Fathy. "Everyone, merchants and good people, stood together and compensated those affected by the clashes." Ramy, the Christian boy whose last name was not disclosed to the press, was forced to leave town.
"We don‘t want to see his face again. He‘s the one who caused this turmoil," said a local council member. Reportedly, Ramy currently resides in nearby Luxor.
A few days after the clashes, the MP and members of the local council organized what they called "a reconciliation meeting" where Christian and Muslim religious figures huddled to calm the people and to "confirm ties of unity and intimacy" between the two religious groups.
"There is no fear now," said Makram Gerges Mansour, member of the local council and a Christian himself. "If you go down on the streets, you will find that life has not changed. The mood was not stained (by the violence)."
Some other Christians, however, beg to differ.
Many are reluctant to believe that their lives in this ancient town will remain "unaffected" in light of the recent tensions; believing that relations with Muslims are bound to be "fickle."
Amonious Narouz Bekheit, a Christian in his thirties, is one of them.
For him, it all happened two weeks ago; Bekheit woke up near dawn to the sound of pounding on his door. Neighbors were shouting that his store was set on fire. "I rushed to the store, finding people trying to extinguish the fire."
Bekheit runs a small photo studio in the heart of the rural-like city, whose society is entrenched in tradition and defined by conservatism like most of the cities and villages of Upper Egypt.
According to Bekheit, police said the fire was caused when someone put a match to a pillow that was soaked in benzene and placed in a box outside the store.
Bekheit was questioned by the local authorities, and during interrogation, he was surprised to hear that his store was targeted by a group of eight teenagers -no more than 18- not just because of the "love rumor" but also because of another rumor where he was accused of circulating indecent pictures of Muslim girls, clients of his studio.
After the kids were arrested, according to the MP Fathy, one of them had told the police about this rumor, claiming that Bekheit used to take pictures of Muslim women, electronically manipulate them, and then post them to the internet.
"My father and mother are from this town. How could I ever do something like this and expect to get away with it?" said Bekheit who does not even own a computer.
"Now my reputation is ruined. And my business," added Bekheit.
"And I don‘t even know most of the kids (that set fire to the store and sparked the rumors)," he said.
Abdel-Qader Hamza, father of 16-year-old Ammar -one of the Muslim attackers- said that he was "stunned" by the violence.
On the eve of the attacks, Hamza said his son went to sleep before midnight, and so he might have escaped later from his room. When the police came to fetch Hamza‘s son, his father said he willingly gave him away.
His son was charged with arson, like his seven friends, and he is currently pending a court hearing.
Ammar‘s mother had a nervous breakdown and his four sisters are devastated, said the father.
"If my son has really done this, then I will be extremely angry at him."
The father explained that he is ready to accept any sentence his son receives adding that he would inflict his own punishment when the son is released.
"But I‘m still sure that if my son did this, he did it spontaneously. There is no thought, planning or ideology behind this. It was an impulsive act," said Abdel-Qader.
Arguably, other rumors may have affected the actions of these young Muslims.
According to Hassan, one Armant resident who refused to disclose his last name for fear of being harassed by security police, said that the tensions between Muslims and Christians in Armant may not have been apparent, but they have been simmering below the surface for several months.
According to Hassan, less than two years ago, a rumor rose about"a Muslim boy who converted to Christianity and was later found dead. People say he was killed, others say he committed suicide."
This rumor, said Hassan, fueled beliefs that there exists a Christian trend which tries to convert Muslims, in turn kindling mutual tensions between followers of the two religions.
In the remarks of Ramy Shaker Zaki and Samy Rezkallah, two young Christians who spend most of their afternoons in the MariGerges (St.Georges) church in Armant and who have Muslim friends, such tensions are arguably apparent.
Rezkallah and Zaki both said that they feel that "Muslims think they want to covert them to Christianity and they avoid them when they start talking about their religion."
After the incident, the sensitivities were mounted, and the two boys confessed that they drew away from their Muslim friends.
"(After this incident) we started to be afraid for ourselves, and for the Christian girls. We were afraid of a dissention," said Zaki. Zaki claimed that one of his Christian friends even overheard talks of Muslims who had wanted to attack a Christian mass.
Security was beefed up around town, following the violence, and the small town was cordoned off, apparently to prevent another outbreak of clashes.
"I was having a hair cut the next day when police stormed into the store (owned by a Christian)," 29-year-old Gamal Abdel-Fatah said.
Abdel-Fatah, a Muslim, said the police would not even permit him to continue his haircut, and ordered him out of the store, which was immediately closed down.
The narrow streets were swarming with police vehicles, according to his description.
Life seemed to come to a stop in Armant, usually thumping with life and activity, for four days where people coming into the small town were lengthy interrogated, and a blanket curfew was imposed.
In the days that followed, the Church also stepped in and asked Christians, during religious sermons, not to respond back to the attacks.
"We were afraid," said Mohareb Nabih, an assistant priest at the Church of MariGerges. "I was afraid of the reaction of the impulsive young people - from both sides; Muslims and Christians."
Even two weeks after the incident, the reluctance of many of the locals to talk about the incident shows that the fear might still be there.
dpa pa xx
(unedited)
Egypt-Society/Religion/FEATURE: Christian-Muslim clashes in Egyptian town leave behind a"dark shadow" =
By Pakinam Amer, dpa
Luxor (dpa) - Despite the authorities‘ claims that "everything went back to normal" in the wake of clashes between Christians and Muslims in the Upper Egypt town of Armant, the incident appears to have left a deep scar on this once close-knit fragment of society.
The clashes, in mid February, were sparked following a series of rumors; the "gravest" and the most contentious of which was that of a"love relationship" between an engaged 17-year-old Muslim girl and Ramy, a Christian boy in his early twenties.
Issues of "honor" and "shame" are sensitive in Egypt, especially in parts of the country where societies are small and are primarily characterized by strong family ties and deep-seated customs.
Still, Armant -unlike other surrounding cities- had no recorded history of violence between Christians and Muslims even when this very city used to harbor Muslim extremists in 1980‘s, according to independent observers.
So when a vehicle and at least three stores, run by Christians, were torched near dawn by a group of eight Muslim youth, many expressed their shock - including the families of the attackers who have, as they described, "strong ties with their Christian brothers in Armant."
The incident was "short-lived," said Mohammad Fathy, the member of Parliament who represents the constituency to which Armant, 18 kilometres south of Luxor (600 kilometres south of Cairo), belongs.
"A week later after the incident, life returned to normal," insisted Fathy. "Everyone, merchants and good people, stood together and compensated those affected by the clashes." Ramy, the Christian boy whose last name was not disclosed to the press, was forced to leave town.
"We don‘t want to see his face again. He‘s the one who caused this turmoil," said a local council member. Reportedly, Ramy currently resides in nearby Luxor.
A few days after the clashes, the MP and members of the local council organized what they called "a reconciliation meeting" where Christian and Muslim religious figures huddled to calm the people and to "confirm ties of unity and intimacy" between the two religious groups.
"There is no fear now," said Makram Gerges Mansour, member of the local council and a Christian himself. "If you go down on the streets, you will find that life has not changed. The mood was not stained (by the violence)."
Some other Christians, however, beg to differ.
Many are reluctant to believe that their lives in this ancient town will remain "unaffected" in light of the recent tensions; believing that relations with Muslims are bound to be "fickle."
Amonious Narouz Bekheit, a Christian in his thirties, is one of them.
For him, it all happened two weeks ago; Bekheit woke up near dawn to the sound of pounding on his door. Neighbors were shouting that his store was set on fire. "I rushed to the store, finding people trying to extinguish the fire."
Bekheit runs a small photo studio in the heart of the rural-like city, whose society is entrenched in tradition and defined by conservatism like most of the cities and villages of Upper Egypt.
According to Bekheit, police said the fire was caused when someone put a match to a pillow that was soaked in benzene and placed in a box outside the store.
Bekheit was questioned by the local authorities, and during interrogation, he was surprised to hear that his store was targeted by a group of eight teenagers -no more than 18- not just because of the "love rumor" but also because of another rumor where he was accused of circulating indecent pictures of Muslim girls, clients of his studio.
After the kids were arrested, according to the MP Fathy, one of them had told the police about this rumor, claiming that Bekheit used to take pictures of Muslim women, electronically manipulate them, and then post them to the internet.
"My father and mother are from this town. How could I ever do something like this and expect to get away with it?" said Bekheit who does not even own a computer.
"Now my reputation is ruined. And my business," added Bekheit.
"And I don‘t even know most of the kids (that set fire to the store and sparked the rumors)," he said.
Abdel-Qader Hamza, father of 16-year-old Ammar -one of the Muslim attackers- said that he was "stunned" by the violence.
On the eve of the attacks, Hamza said his son went to sleep before midnight, and so he might have escaped later from his room. When the police came to fetch Hamza‘s son, his father said he willingly gave him away.
His son was charged with arson, like his seven friends, and he is currently pending a court hearing.
Ammar‘s mother had a nervous breakdown and his four sisters are devastated, said the father.
"If my son has really done this, then I will be extremely angry at him."
The father explained that he is ready to accept any sentence his son receives adding that he would inflict his own punishment when the son is released.
"But I‘m still sure that if my son did this, he did it spontaneously. There is no thought, planning or ideology behind this. It was an impulsive act," said Abdel-Qader.
Arguably, other rumors may have affected the actions of these young Muslims.
According to Hassan, one Armant resident who refused to disclose his last name for fear of being harassed by security police, said that the tensions between Muslims and Christians in Armant may not have been apparent, but they have been simmering below the surface for several months.
According to Hassan, less than two years ago, a rumor rose about"a Muslim boy who converted to Christianity and was later found dead. People say he was killed, others say he committed suicide."
This rumor, said Hassan, fueled beliefs that there exists a Christian trend which tries to convert Muslims, in turn kindling mutual tensions between followers of the two religions.
In the remarks of Ramy Shaker Zaki and Samy Rezkallah, two young Christians who spend most of their afternoons in the MariGerges (St.Georges) church in Armant and who have Muslim friends, such tensions are arguably apparent.
Rezkallah and Zaki both said that they feel that "Muslims think they want to covert them to Christianity and they avoid them when they start talking about their religion."
After the incident, the sensitivities were mounted, and the two boys confessed that they drew away from their Muslim friends.
"(After this incident) we started to be afraid for ourselves, and for the Christian girls. We were afraid of a dissention," said Zaki. Zaki claimed that one of his Christian friends even overheard talks of Muslims who had wanted to attack a Christian mass.
Security was beefed up around town, following the violence, and the small town was cordoned off, apparently to prevent another outbreak of clashes.
"I was having a hair cut the next day when police stormed into the store (owned by a Christian)," 29-year-old Gamal Abdel-Fatah said.
Abdel-Fatah, a Muslim, said the police would not even permit him to continue his haircut, and ordered him out of the store, which was immediately closed down.
The narrow streets were swarming with police vehicles, according to his description.
Life seemed to come to a stop in Armant, usually thumping with life and activity, for four days where people coming into the small town were lengthy interrogated, and a blanket curfew was imposed.
In the days that followed, the Church also stepped in and asked Christians, during religious sermons, not to respond back to the attacks.
"We were afraid," said Mohareb Nabih, an assistant priest at the Church of MariGerges. "I was afraid of the reaction of the impulsive young people - from both sides; Muslims and Christians."
Even two weeks after the incident, the reluctance of many of the locals to talk about the incident shows that the fear might still be there.
dpa pa xx
Tuesday, February 27, 2007
DPA: Iraqi Cabinet approves oil draft law; refers it to parliament (news)
Middle East News
By DPA
Feb 27, 2007, 13:35 GMT
Baghdad - Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki announced in a press briefing Tuesday that his cabinet would pass a newly-approved draft law on oil and natural gas to parliament for voting.
Oil Minister Hussein Shahristani, meanwhile, confirmed 'differences in views' between his ministry and officials from the Kurdish autonomous region over some clauses of the new law.
The draft law, which was approved on Monday, outlines the procedures and guidelines for oil transactions based on articles 11 and 112 of the constitution and, according to al-Maliki, 'makes Iraqis the prime owners of the wealth of oil and gas.'
The cabinet-backed law - currently proposed to parliament for review and approval - would have a 'positive impact and will certainly endorse the unity between all Iraqi elements and factions,' said al-Maliki.
He added that the 'main aim' of structuring this law was to 'realize the highest interest for the Iraqi people,' assuring that the law put 'Iraqi benefits' first.
According to Maliki, in light of the new law, Iraq's national oil company would be restructured and turned into an independent holding company. This company would then be in charge of implementing the national oil policy.
Oil revenues would be directed into a single account, and from there distributed between the different provinces according to their population counts.
The Federal Council on Oil and Gas is to represent these provinces and manage the flow of revenues.
The central government would also 'set up a new oil management structure tasked with drawing up national oil policies,' al-Maliki was quoted as saying by the Voices of Iraq news agency.
According to al-Maliki, the regional authorities would be given the right to negotiate with the bidding companies and potential investors under the guidelines established by the Oil and Gas Council.
Shahristani, however, said that the ministry would also have a role in 'regulating' the series of negotiations, 'accepting bids from qualified international companies.'
In remarks to the press, Shahristani added that 'nationality and background' of the companies would not be taken into account in making deals, 'but the ability of the company to revive the oil fields in accordance with the measures put forward by the Oil Ministry' would.
According to the minister, competition would be 'free,' and foreign investment encouraged.
During his statements, Shahristani also confirmed 'differences' between the Kurdish independent government, controlling the Kurdistan region, and the ministry.
'There is a difference of views between our Kurdish brothers in Kurdistan region (on one side) and the Oil Ministry and members of the parliament's Council of Oil and Gas (on the other) about the mechanism of negotiations over the new contracts and the existing ones,' he said.
According to reports, the Kurds would still be given the opportunity to thoroughly review the contracts, where the existing ones are incorporated in the new law.
Iraq has the third largest oil reserves worldwide. However, many of the existing oil fields have not been utilized since the 1970s.
Most oil fields are located in the south of Iraq near oil-rich cities like West al-Qurna, Majnoun, Nahran Omar, Rafideen, Helfaya, Sabba, Lahees and Bazrkan.
Other areas like eastern Baghdad, Al-Ahdab, Nasiriyah, and Artawy are also famous for their wealthy oil fields.
The current oil reserves are estimated to be equivalent to 115 billion barrels. But local experts estimate it might cost at least 30 billion dollars to renovate and revitalize the oil construction and refinery facilities.
Meanwhile, Sean McCormack, spokesman of the US State Department, sounded hopeful, when he told the press during a Monday briefing in Washington, that the proposed draft law was 'an important piece of draft legislation' and that 'oil would become a tool that would help unify Iraq and give all Iraqis a shared stake in their country's future.'
'The law would include international standards for transparency, including requirements for public disclosure of contracts and associated revenues,' he added.
dpa pa gma
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006, 2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1269977.php/Iraqi_Cabinet_approves_oil_draft_law_refers_it_to_parliament
By DPA
Feb 27, 2007, 13:35 GMT
Baghdad - Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki announced in a press briefing Tuesday that his cabinet would pass a newly-approved draft law on oil and natural gas to parliament for voting.
Oil Minister Hussein Shahristani, meanwhile, confirmed 'differences in views' between his ministry and officials from the Kurdish autonomous region over some clauses of the new law.
The draft law, which was approved on Monday, outlines the procedures and guidelines for oil transactions based on articles 11 and 112 of the constitution and, according to al-Maliki, 'makes Iraqis the prime owners of the wealth of oil and gas.'
The cabinet-backed law - currently proposed to parliament for review and approval - would have a 'positive impact and will certainly endorse the unity between all Iraqi elements and factions,' said al-Maliki.
He added that the 'main aim' of structuring this law was to 'realize the highest interest for the Iraqi people,' assuring that the law put 'Iraqi benefits' first.
According to Maliki, in light of the new law, Iraq's national oil company would be restructured and turned into an independent holding company. This company would then be in charge of implementing the national oil policy.
Oil revenues would be directed into a single account, and from there distributed between the different provinces according to their population counts.
The Federal Council on Oil and Gas is to represent these provinces and manage the flow of revenues.
The central government would also 'set up a new oil management structure tasked with drawing up national oil policies,' al-Maliki was quoted as saying by the Voices of Iraq news agency.
According to al-Maliki, the regional authorities would be given the right to negotiate with the bidding companies and potential investors under the guidelines established by the Oil and Gas Council.
Shahristani, however, said that the ministry would also have a role in 'regulating' the series of negotiations, 'accepting bids from qualified international companies.'
In remarks to the press, Shahristani added that 'nationality and background' of the companies would not be taken into account in making deals, 'but the ability of the company to revive the oil fields in accordance with the measures put forward by the Oil Ministry' would.
According to the minister, competition would be 'free,' and foreign investment encouraged.
During his statements, Shahristani also confirmed 'differences' between the Kurdish independent government, controlling the Kurdistan region, and the ministry.
'There is a difference of views between our Kurdish brothers in Kurdistan region (on one side) and the Oil Ministry and members of the parliament's Council of Oil and Gas (on the other) about the mechanism of negotiations over the new contracts and the existing ones,' he said.
According to reports, the Kurds would still be given the opportunity to thoroughly review the contracts, where the existing ones are incorporated in the new law.
Iraq has the third largest oil reserves worldwide. However, many of the existing oil fields have not been utilized since the 1970s.
Most oil fields are located in the south of Iraq near oil-rich cities like West al-Qurna, Majnoun, Nahran Omar, Rafideen, Helfaya, Sabba, Lahees and Bazrkan.
Other areas like eastern Baghdad, Al-Ahdab, Nasiriyah, and Artawy are also famous for their wealthy oil fields.
The current oil reserves are estimated to be equivalent to 115 billion barrels. But local experts estimate it might cost at least 30 billion dollars to renovate and revitalize the oil construction and refinery facilities.
Meanwhile, Sean McCormack, spokesman of the US State Department, sounded hopeful, when he told the press during a Monday briefing in Washington, that the proposed draft law was 'an important piece of draft legislation' and that 'oil would become a tool that would help unify Iraq and give all Iraqis a shared stake in their country's future.'
'The law would include international standards for transparency, including requirements for public disclosure of contracts and associated revenues,' he added.
dpa pa gma
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006, 2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1269977.php/Iraqi_Cabinet_approves_oil_draft_law_refers_it_to_parliament
Monday, February 19, 2007
DPA: Egyptian students protest Jerusalem excavations
Middle East News
Feb 19, 2007, 16:23 GMT
Cairo - Hundreds of Cairo University students and staff took to the streets of the Egyptian capital on Monday to protest against Israeli renovation works near the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount compound in Jerusalem.
Israel has begun excavations several dozen metres from the compound as preparation for the construction of a new pedestrian bridge leading up to the elevated compound's Mughrabi Gate.
The bridge is to replace an earthen walkway that collapsed because of snowstorms and a minor earthquake in 2004.
The work however has sparked the anger of many Muslims, who believe it may harm the al-Aqsa and the Dome of the Rock mosques.
'(The al-Aqsa mosque) will not be destroyed as long as we live,' read some of the flyers and banners held by young demonstrators at Cairo University, as they were cordoned off by hordes of riot police.
The zealous students shouted slogans against 'the breaching' of the Islamic site. Speakers at the two-hour-long demonstration, which included members of the banned Muslim Brotherhood, encouraged the youths to show their anger in a peaceful manner.
According to a statement issued by a collective of university professor and staff, the protest was to be 'a step towards awakening the (Islamic) nation, so that it can defend its identity and existence, and claim its pride.'
dpa pa
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1265613.php/Egyptian_students_protest_Jerusalem_excavations
Feb 19, 2007, 16:23 GMT
Cairo - Hundreds of Cairo University students and staff took to the streets of the Egyptian capital on Monday to protest against Israeli renovation works near the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount compound in Jerusalem.
Israel has begun excavations several dozen metres from the compound as preparation for the construction of a new pedestrian bridge leading up to the elevated compound's Mughrabi Gate.
The bridge is to replace an earthen walkway that collapsed because of snowstorms and a minor earthquake in 2004.
The work however has sparked the anger of many Muslims, who believe it may harm the al-Aqsa and the Dome of the Rock mosques.
'(The al-Aqsa mosque) will not be destroyed as long as we live,' read some of the flyers and banners held by young demonstrators at Cairo University, as they were cordoned off by hordes of riot police.
The zealous students shouted slogans against 'the breaching' of the Islamic site. Speakers at the two-hour-long demonstration, which included members of the banned Muslim Brotherhood, encouraged the youths to show their anger in a peaceful manner.
According to a statement issued by a collective of university professor and staff, the protest was to be 'a step towards awakening the (Islamic) nation, so that it can defend its identity and existence, and claim its pride.'
dpa pa
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1265613.php/Egyptian_students_protest_Jerusalem_excavations
Saturday, February 17, 2007
DPA: US protestor "pushed and shoved" by food chain employees in Cairo
From Monsters and Critics.com
Middle East News
By DPA
Feb 17, 2007, 17:07 GMT
Cairo - An American protestor claimed Saturday he was pushed and shoved by Kentucky Fried Chicken employees in downtown Cairo after he dressed as a giant 'crippled chicken' to protest what he called 'abuse' of chickens in factory farms and slaughterhouses.
'We were protesting, (then) KFC employees started pushing and shoving,' said Jason Baker, who is originally from the US state of Michigan.
Baker, 34, is a member of a group called People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) and supports a worldwide campaign against the food chain.
The campaign alleges - according to a recent press release by PETA - that 'at slaughterhouses that supply KFC, birds are still alive after having their throats slit are scalded to death in defeathering tanks.'
According to the campaign's official website, the abuse includes 'live scalding, life-long crippling, and painful debeaking.'
As Baker protested with an Egyptian fellow activist holding signs in English and Arabic reading 'KFC cripples chicken,' employees from KFC came out of the store to talk with the protestors.
As the activists refused to leave, the employees allegedly pushed Baker, forcing him away from the store. Baker claimed that he 'hit the ground' and was kicked.
However, a KFC staff member who was present told Deutsche Presse- Agentur dpa on condition of anonymity that 'we did not push the protestor to the ground, no-one harassed the protestor.
We only wanted to understand why they're protesting. We asked them a few questions. They were not convincing. Their flyers were not convincing.'
He added: 'We slaughter according to the Islamic tradition, slaughtering is done legally according to this tradition. Our slaughterhouses are supervised by the health ministry.
'We did not push them away. They were taken away by the police. We were trying to urge them to stay away from the store, away from the entrance. Their presence annoyed some of the customers.'
Plain-clothed national security members who came to the scene intervened and carried Baker to a nearby building. He was said to be bruised, but suffered no major injuries. Baker was questioned by members of the security police, then released after around two hours.
No complaints were filed nor any inquiry instigated, although the employees and Baker were questioned. 'But none of the employees were detained,' Baker said.
Police escorted Baker back to his hotel room and requested that he not talk to the press. He was also told to inform the police of any upcoming protest 'for their protection.'
'It's kind of ironic that these employees have this attitude, (similar to) people that run the company in Kentucky,' Baker told dpa after the incident.
'It's from the ground level and the executives. They seem to be rather aggressive. But we will be back.'
dpa pa
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Middle East News
By DPA
Feb 17, 2007, 17:07 GMT
Cairo - An American protestor claimed Saturday he was pushed and shoved by Kentucky Fried Chicken employees in downtown Cairo after he dressed as a giant 'crippled chicken' to protest what he called 'abuse' of chickens in factory farms and slaughterhouses.
'We were protesting, (then) KFC employees started pushing and shoving,' said Jason Baker, who is originally from the US state of Michigan.
Baker, 34, is a member of a group called People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) and supports a worldwide campaign against the food chain.
The campaign alleges - according to a recent press release by PETA - that 'at slaughterhouses that supply KFC, birds are still alive after having their throats slit are scalded to death in defeathering tanks.'
According to the campaign's official website, the abuse includes 'live scalding, life-long crippling, and painful debeaking.'
As Baker protested with an Egyptian fellow activist holding signs in English and Arabic reading 'KFC cripples chicken,' employees from KFC came out of the store to talk with the protestors.
As the activists refused to leave, the employees allegedly pushed Baker, forcing him away from the store. Baker claimed that he 'hit the ground' and was kicked.
However, a KFC staff member who was present told Deutsche Presse- Agentur dpa on condition of anonymity that 'we did not push the protestor to the ground, no-one harassed the protestor.
We only wanted to understand why they're protesting. We asked them a few questions. They were not convincing. Their flyers were not convincing.'
He added: 'We slaughter according to the Islamic tradition, slaughtering is done legally according to this tradition. Our slaughterhouses are supervised by the health ministry.
'We did not push them away. They were taken away by the police. We were trying to urge them to stay away from the store, away from the entrance. Their presence annoyed some of the customers.'
Plain-clothed national security members who came to the scene intervened and carried Baker to a nearby building. He was said to be bruised, but suffered no major injuries. Baker was questioned by members of the security police, then released after around two hours.
No complaints were filed nor any inquiry instigated, although the employees and Baker were questioned. 'But none of the employees were detained,' Baker said.
Police escorted Baker back to his hotel room and requested that he not talk to the press. He was also told to inform the police of any upcoming protest 'for their protection.'
'It's kind of ironic that these employees have this attitude, (similar to) people that run the company in Kentucky,' Baker told dpa after the incident.
'It's from the ground level and the executives. They seem to be rather aggressive. But we will be back.'
dpa pa
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Tuesday, February 13, 2007
DPA: Censorship Of Literary Work Remains Unchallenged In Egypt
By Pakinam Amer, dpa
First Published: February 12, 2007
Cairo - Book censorship is spreading in Egypt now that numerous self-appointed authorities have received the absolute right to ban, sue or destroy a book for so-called religious and security reasons.
Freedom of expression is a right granted by the Egyptian constitution that acknowledges "freedom of literary, artistic and cultural invention".
However, Islamic institutions like the Azhar and state-run bodies such as the Interior Ministry and the Ministry of Education have the right to review books and withdraw them from the market.
Last week, a court banned foreign schools from teaching a book entitled History of the World, which according to the Cairo-based Egyptian Gazette, "contained information considered blasphemous and humiliating to Islam."
Another book was recently confiscated by the arts division in the Interior Ministry for allegedly criticizing modern Islamic scholars and questioning their eligibility.
On the one hand, books focusing on religious and political matters are confiscated for broaching tabued subjects. On the other hand, religious books that arguably "entice hatred" are sometimes left on book shelves.
"What these government and religious bodies exercise regarding literary work is a form of thuggery," said Mohammed Hashem, owner of a local publishing house. Hashem was interrogated about a book he published that was later deemed "irreligious and profane."
In the event of censorship, people calling for a ban have only to petition the office of the prosecution, and a case is almost immediately upheld against both the author and the publisher if the book is deemed "insulting to Islam" or to the ruling regime.
"In my case, I was asked questions like: 'Why did you publish this book? Did you know it contained blasphemy?' and so forth," said Hashem, adding, "Publishers face numerous pressures."
Hashem's book was quickly removed by a committee following the investigation. In other cases, representatives of the Azhar arrive and remove the controversial book "although they do not have legal rights to do so," Hasham notes.
The Azhar, a top authority on Islam, could not be reached for comment.
But although some liberals accuse religious organizations of "infringing on writers' freedom of expression," others say that the problem is more entrenched in the Egyptian system and is "beyond religious institutions."
Author Sonallah Ibrahim said, "Censorship in Egypt is closely connected to the political status that does not encourage freedoms" and to a culture of silence.
"The whole issue is almost comical," said Ibrahim, whose first book sparked a fury and was banned for criticizing the Egyptian cabinet.
Despite outcries, sometimes writers in government-controlled media even rush to justify the practice for fear of "disturbing public order".
Nawal Saadawi, a well-known author and outspoken critic of the government, had five books banned by her own publishers less than two weeks ago.
Saadawi's autobiography and another controversial play called "God Resigns in the Summit Meeting" were among the books removed from display.
Saadawi believes that the security police are behind the ban.
Every single copy of "God Resigns in the Summit Meeting" was shredded by local publisher Madbouli, who did not even give 70-year- old Saadawi a copy of her own book, and kept the manuscript.
When asked, Hajj Mohamed Madbouli, owner and manager of the publishing house, said the decision was not political saying that he removed the book as soon as he learnt the title.
"She's insulting God. I can publish anything even if it's against governments or kings, but never against God," Madbouli said, adding that members of the security police only witnessed the destruction of the book but did not initially request it.
There are other "thriving" forms of censorship in Egypt. For instance, some "pious" Muslim lawyers have adopted censorship cases; systematically filing court cases against "notorious" books, movies, and TV shows.
Hashem, the local publisher, said that in some cases "censorship has become a flourishing business."
An unknown lawyer files a case against a book, deeming it immodest or sacrilegious and attracts plenty of media attention in the process.
In other instances, the publishers take advantage of the situation by removing a book from a shelf, claiming that it has been confiscated. It can then be sold illegally at a higher price.
"People rush to search for books that are banned," explained Hashem.
But pressure in the form of death threats and exclusion from the media, which eventually lead to self-censorship, are the worst.
Saadawi is always under crossfire from conservatives and security officials and has not only faced defamation and court cases but also death threats from Islamic radicals. Local media, who are sometimes equally conservative in view of "sensitive issues" have often ignored her plight and have not answered her pleas.
Saadawi is banned from public television because of her writings. "There are other ways of silencing a writer, make them withdraw their work or express regret for publishing it ... such as prison," said Saadawi, who was briefly incarcerated in the early 1980s.
© 2007 DPA
Link: http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_13790-Censorship-Of-Literary-Work-Remains-Unchallenged-In-Egypt.html
http://my.earthlink.net/article/ent?guid=20070212/45cff450_536_133420070212-1676977377
http://my.embarq.earthlink.net/channel/entertainment/article/ent?guid=20070212/45cff450_536_133420070212-1676977377
http://www.indianmuslims.info/news/2007/february/16/muslim_world_news/censorship_of_literary_works_spreads_in_europe.html
First Published: February 12, 2007
Cairo - Book censorship is spreading in Egypt now that numerous self-appointed authorities have received the absolute right to ban, sue or destroy a book for so-called religious and security reasons.
Freedom of expression is a right granted by the Egyptian constitution that acknowledges "freedom of literary, artistic and cultural invention".
However, Islamic institutions like the Azhar and state-run bodies such as the Interior Ministry and the Ministry of Education have the right to review books and withdraw them from the market.
Last week, a court banned foreign schools from teaching a book entitled History of the World, which according to the Cairo-based Egyptian Gazette, "contained information considered blasphemous and humiliating to Islam."
Another book was recently confiscated by the arts division in the Interior Ministry for allegedly criticizing modern Islamic scholars and questioning their eligibility.
On the one hand, books focusing on religious and political matters are confiscated for broaching tabued subjects. On the other hand, religious books that arguably "entice hatred" are sometimes left on book shelves.
"What these government and religious bodies exercise regarding literary work is a form of thuggery," said Mohammed Hashem, owner of a local publishing house. Hashem was interrogated about a book he published that was later deemed "irreligious and profane."
In the event of censorship, people calling for a ban have only to petition the office of the prosecution, and a case is almost immediately upheld against both the author and the publisher if the book is deemed "insulting to Islam" or to the ruling regime.
"In my case, I was asked questions like: 'Why did you publish this book? Did you know it contained blasphemy?' and so forth," said Hashem, adding, "Publishers face numerous pressures."
Hashem's book was quickly removed by a committee following the investigation. In other cases, representatives of the Azhar arrive and remove the controversial book "although they do not have legal rights to do so," Hasham notes.
The Azhar, a top authority on Islam, could not be reached for comment.
But although some liberals accuse religious organizations of "infringing on writers' freedom of expression," others say that the problem is more entrenched in the Egyptian system and is "beyond religious institutions."
Author Sonallah Ibrahim said, "Censorship in Egypt is closely connected to the political status that does not encourage freedoms" and to a culture of silence.
"The whole issue is almost comical," said Ibrahim, whose first book sparked a fury and was banned for criticizing the Egyptian cabinet.
Despite outcries, sometimes writers in government-controlled media even rush to justify the practice for fear of "disturbing public order".
Nawal Saadawi, a well-known author and outspoken critic of the government, had five books banned by her own publishers less than two weeks ago.
Saadawi's autobiography and another controversial play called "God Resigns in the Summit Meeting" were among the books removed from display.
Saadawi believes that the security police are behind the ban.
Every single copy of "God Resigns in the Summit Meeting" was shredded by local publisher Madbouli, who did not even give 70-year- old Saadawi a copy of her own book, and kept the manuscript.
When asked, Hajj Mohamed Madbouli, owner and manager of the publishing house, said the decision was not political saying that he removed the book as soon as he learnt the title.
"She's insulting God. I can publish anything even if it's against governments or kings, but never against God," Madbouli said, adding that members of the security police only witnessed the destruction of the book but did not initially request it.
There are other "thriving" forms of censorship in Egypt. For instance, some "pious" Muslim lawyers have adopted censorship cases; systematically filing court cases against "notorious" books, movies, and TV shows.
Hashem, the local publisher, said that in some cases "censorship has become a flourishing business."
An unknown lawyer files a case against a book, deeming it immodest or sacrilegious and attracts plenty of media attention in the process.
In other instances, the publishers take advantage of the situation by removing a book from a shelf, claiming that it has been confiscated. It can then be sold illegally at a higher price.
"People rush to search for books that are banned," explained Hashem.
But pressure in the form of death threats and exclusion from the media, which eventually lead to self-censorship, are the worst.
Saadawi is always under crossfire from conservatives and security officials and has not only faced defamation and court cases but also death threats from Islamic radicals. Local media, who are sometimes equally conservative in view of "sensitive issues" have often ignored her plight and have not answered her pleas.
Saadawi is banned from public television because of her writings. "There are other ways of silencing a writer, make them withdraw their work or express regret for publishing it ... such as prison," said Saadawi, who was briefly incarcerated in the early 1980s.
© 2007 DPA
Link: http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_13790-Censorship-Of-Literary-Work-Remains-Unchallenged-In-Egypt.html
http://my.earthlink.net/article/ent?guid=20070212/45cff450_536_133420070212-1676977377
http://my.embarq.earthlink.net/channel/entertainment/article/ent?guid=20070212/45cff450_536_133420070212-1676977377
http://www.indianmuslims.info/news/2007/february/16/muslim_world_news/censorship_of_literary_works_spreads_in_europe.html
Wednesday, February 07, 2007
ANALYSIS: Shiite militants change tactics against new security plan (DPA)
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
First Published: Feb 7, 2007
Baghdad/Cairo (dpa) - Following the death of two of their senior leaders, the Shiite Sadr faction has threatened an uprising in Iraq - but their threats are downplayed by security analysts.
The faction, analysts say, cannot afford a direct confrontation with the US military forces and the government which are now putting in place their new security plan.
"The US forces are trying to provoke the Mahdi militias into a direct confrontation" which the latter cannot afford, said Baghdad University analyst and political science professor Hamid Fadel.
The Mahdi Army is a feared militia loyal to the powerful Muqtada al-Sadr, who controls a political bloc in the Iraqi parliament on which Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki is dependent. Nor are they the only Shiite militia that the government is affiliated with.
Recently however, joint Iraqi and US army forces declared an offensive against the Shiite cult Soldiers of Heaven in Najaf, killing more than 260 of cult members after a day of clashes.
The offensive marked a new strategy by the government towards Shiite militias - some of whom were previously heavily protected by members of al-Maliki‘s cabinet.
The Shiite-led cabinet headed by al-Maliki has been accused of fighting a largely one-front war against Sunnis and Baath insurgents - although the war should have also targeted the Shiite militias who are suspected in the wave of killings and kidnappings in the country.
But not until US President George W Bush warned the Iraqigovernment that it must get tougher on the insurgency or face the consequences that Baghdad‘s stance became firmer.
In a move to assure the US administration, al-Maliki apparently sought to deny that his government is sectarian and so a change of tactics was needed when it came to handling the militias.
"The Iraqi government was being accused by everyone - internal groups and foreign forces," Fadel added.
Last Sunday, Bahaa al-Aaraji, a Sadrist MP, in what appeared to be a threat, warned that a "huge upheaval" would occur if the policemen did not stop targeting Sadrists.
Although Fadel said these "military threats" are void, he added that using its popularity at the street level, Sadr is capable of mobilizing the public against the government.
But even after al-Aaraji‘s warning, security forces continued their raids. High-profile Sadrists were arrested in the course of the past few days. On Monday, Najaf supporters of top Shiite authority Ayatollah Mahmoud al-Hosni were also targeted.
It is not clear if these and the Najaf operations were a signal of goodwill to Bush - or a message to the armed Shiite militias who are almost embarrassing al-Maliki by adopting violence.
But it could very well be a dual message. When al-Maliki was appointed as premier he led a Shiite coalition - the United Iraqi alliance - that consisted among others of his own Islamic Dawa Party as well as the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) and the infamous Sadr faction.
Analysts say this puts Maliki in a dilemma. On the one hand he is trying to clamp down on Badr organization, which is SCIRI‘s military wing and the Mahdi army under al-Sadr. On the other, he is trying to maintain stable ties with their affiliated deputies in parliament.
The government has shown great reluctance about getting tough on Shiite militias. In January, for example, after US and Iraqi security forces detained an alleged Sadri leader of a punishment squad, Iraqi authorities quickly promised he would be released.
In short, the government showed readiness to bow to Sadri pressures. But then US patience began to wear thin, in turn threatening to weaken al-Maliki‘s position as Iraq‘s leader.
Now it appears that al-Maliki manoeuvring may be working. The US, following the Najaf operations and the arrests in the Mahdi ranks, may be taking notice.
On Tuesday, a US embassy spokesman in Baghdad told the press that it is understandable that dismantling armed groups in Iraq "takes time" and was difficult and could not be accomplished overnight. But the diplomat, Lou Fintor, said al-Maliki‘s government was capable of meeting its commitment about putting a stop to the death squads.
Al-Maliki and Shiite militias also seem to be forming a sort of "agreement" whereby the main Shiite militias would limit their operations, change their tactics and in turn give the impression that al-Maliki had successfully controlled the raging forces, suggests Iraqi analyst Fadel.
Halting the activity of the militias - even if it‘s temporary - is a show of power, he believes.
Fatah el-Sheikh, senior member of Sadr politburo, said that his movement is fully aware that - at this point - the US forces were intensifying their operations.
"But we will deal with this with our best weapons - patience and wisdom," he said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Links: http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Shiite_militants_change_tactics_aga_02062007.html
http://www.jurnalo.com/jurnalo/storyPage.do?story_id=15882
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_12683-Shiite-Militants-Change-Tactics-Against-New-Security-Plan.html
By Pakinam Amer
First Published: Feb 7, 2007
Baghdad/Cairo (dpa) - Following the death of two of their senior leaders, the Shiite Sadr faction has threatened an uprising in Iraq - but their threats are downplayed by security analysts.
The faction, analysts say, cannot afford a direct confrontation with the US military forces and the government which are now putting in place their new security plan.
"The US forces are trying to provoke the Mahdi militias into a direct confrontation" which the latter cannot afford, said Baghdad University analyst and political science professor Hamid Fadel.
The Mahdi Army is a feared militia loyal to the powerful Muqtada al-Sadr, who controls a political bloc in the Iraqi parliament on which Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki is dependent. Nor are they the only Shiite militia that the government is affiliated with.
Recently however, joint Iraqi and US army forces declared an offensive against the Shiite cult Soldiers of Heaven in Najaf, killing more than 260 of cult members after a day of clashes.
The offensive marked a new strategy by the government towards Shiite militias - some of whom were previously heavily protected by members of al-Maliki‘s cabinet.
The Shiite-led cabinet headed by al-Maliki has been accused of fighting a largely one-front war against Sunnis and Baath insurgents - although the war should have also targeted the Shiite militias who are suspected in the wave of killings and kidnappings in the country.
But not until US President George W Bush warned the Iraqigovernment that it must get tougher on the insurgency or face the consequences that Baghdad‘s stance became firmer.
In a move to assure the US administration, al-Maliki apparently sought to deny that his government is sectarian and so a change of tactics was needed when it came to handling the militias.
"The Iraqi government was being accused by everyone - internal groups and foreign forces," Fadel added.
Last Sunday, Bahaa al-Aaraji, a Sadrist MP, in what appeared to be a threat, warned that a "huge upheaval" would occur if the policemen did not stop targeting Sadrists.
Although Fadel said these "military threats" are void, he added that using its popularity at the street level, Sadr is capable of mobilizing the public against the government.
But even after al-Aaraji‘s warning, security forces continued their raids. High-profile Sadrists were arrested in the course of the past few days. On Monday, Najaf supporters of top Shiite authority Ayatollah Mahmoud al-Hosni were also targeted.
It is not clear if these and the Najaf operations were a signal of goodwill to Bush - or a message to the armed Shiite militias who are almost embarrassing al-Maliki by adopting violence.
But it could very well be a dual message. When al-Maliki was appointed as premier he led a Shiite coalition - the United Iraqi alliance - that consisted among others of his own Islamic Dawa Party as well as the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) and the infamous Sadr faction.
Analysts say this puts Maliki in a dilemma. On the one hand he is trying to clamp down on Badr organization, which is SCIRI‘s military wing and the Mahdi army under al-Sadr. On the other, he is trying to maintain stable ties with their affiliated deputies in parliament.
The government has shown great reluctance about getting tough on Shiite militias. In January, for example, after US and Iraqi security forces detained an alleged Sadri leader of a punishment squad, Iraqi authorities quickly promised he would be released.
In short, the government showed readiness to bow to Sadri pressures. But then US patience began to wear thin, in turn threatening to weaken al-Maliki‘s position as Iraq‘s leader.
Now it appears that al-Maliki manoeuvring may be working. The US, following the Najaf operations and the arrests in the Mahdi ranks, may be taking notice.
On Tuesday, a US embassy spokesman in Baghdad told the press that it is understandable that dismantling armed groups in Iraq "takes time" and was difficult and could not be accomplished overnight. But the diplomat, Lou Fintor, said al-Maliki‘s government was capable of meeting its commitment about putting a stop to the death squads.
Al-Maliki and Shiite militias also seem to be forming a sort of "agreement" whereby the main Shiite militias would limit their operations, change their tactics and in turn give the impression that al-Maliki had successfully controlled the raging forces, suggests Iraqi analyst Fadel.
Halting the activity of the militias - even if it‘s temporary - is a show of power, he believes.
Fatah el-Sheikh, senior member of Sadr politburo, said that his movement is fully aware that - at this point - the US forces were intensifying their operations.
"But we will deal with this with our best weapons - patience and wisdom," he said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Links: http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Shiite_militants_change_tactics_aga_02062007.html
http://www.jurnalo.com/jurnalo/storyPage.do?story_id=15882
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_12683-Shiite-Militants-Change-Tactics-Against-New-Security-Plan.html
Tuesday, February 06, 2007
ANALYSIS: Iraqi-Syrian relations turn sour, verbal war continues (DPA)
From Monsters and Critics.com
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Feb 5, 2007, 19:35 GMT
Baghdad/Cairo - Expectations that Syria would prove a 'caring neighbour' and peace partner for war-torn Iraq were dashed after Iraqi politicians accused Damascus of sheltering militants and aiding terrorist groups in Iraq.
'Around half of the murderers and bombers are radicals who come through Syria, Iraqi cabinet spokesman Ali al-Dabbagh told reporters Sunday adding, 'We have the evidence to prove it.'
Al-Dabbagh's allegations echoed accusations repeatedly voiced by US policy makers and implying that the attacks in Iraq occur with both the knowledge and consent of Syrian officials.
Iraq cannot afford to sever relations with its neighbours and in the worst-case scenario, it increases the possibility of a fully- fledged civil war, not just in Iraq but in the entire region.
The terrorists arrive via the Syrian borders, al-Dabbagh confirmed. MP Sami al-Askary said their entrance was 'continuous especially from Syria.'
The war of words between Iraq and Syria began Sunday, following a string of attacks across Baghdad. On Sunday, a truck bomb attack rocked a busy market in Baghdad killing more than 130 Iraqis, mostly Shiites, and wounding over 300.
The incident sent shockwaves through Shiite communities; even high-ranking Sunni authorities rushed to express their condolences and dodge responsibility.
Top Iraqi officials were quick to blame Syria. They accused the country of having a 'loose grip' on Syrian-Iraqi borders, and also charged that the country was financing terrorist groups within Iraq as well as facilitating their entry.
Iraqi authorities say Syria is also turning a blind eye to weapons smuggling into Iraqi territories.
During President Jalal Talabani's visit to Damascus, Syria had earlier responded that the porous desert land forming the long borderline between Iraq and Syria was almost impossible to control.
Adding insult to injury, the remarks came as hundreds of thousands of Iraqis seeking refuge from the anarchy in their own land fought Syrian restrictions on them. Al-Dabbagh had deemed Syria 'antagonistic' and unreceptive towards 'real' and legal refugees.
Syrian authorities vehemently and quickly denied any responsibility for the turmoil and lashed out at the 'fraudulent' allegations that Syrian intelligence was harassing legitimate Iraqi refugees.
Mohammed Habash, an Islamist and a Syrian MP, told al-Arabiya television that such remarks enticed 'hostility' in the region and were baseless.
'What has Syria got to do with the bombing of a vegetable market in Iraq? There is an American or Israeli hand to this,' Habash said.
After almost a quarter of a century of cool relations, in November 2006, the anti-US Syrian government, backed by Iran, started forging an alliance with Iraq, arguably attempting to act as a power broker and pressuring the US to start a dialogue in a bid to curb the unrest in Iraq.
Syrian intentions were not kept clandestine. Both Iranian and Syrian leaders told reporters that Western States had to be willing to talk to Iraq's neighbours.
Syria has also exchanged ambassadors with Iraq and Iran. The latter has been keen to draw Syria into a Tehran-based summit on the violence in Iraq. In January, President Talabini visited Damascus, signing a series of agreements - a first in decades.
But the contentment of Tehran and Damascus did not last for long because of the Iraqi officials' verbal attacks.
Only a few hours after the fiery accusation, Syrian news and pan- Arab TV channels quoted authorities saying that an 'Iraqi truck' loaded with explosives and arms had attempted to cross into Syria via the Lebanese border. The so-called smuggling attempt was immediately foiled, authorities said.
There is a message in this piece of news, which was timed with the accusations.
Damascus could be implying two things: that they are actually clamping down on would-be terrorists or that its very own territories are equally threatened by Iraqi militants trying to slip into Syria, then possibly into Iraq through the joint border.
Perhaps, it is a sign of goodwill that Syria is acting on information regarding militancy or an act of hostility. Baghdad, however, has not responded to the incident - and is not likely to.
Despite firing back, the Syrians continue to signal 'tolerance' to Iraqi authorities saying Monday they were still ready to broker peace in their neighbouring country.
Syria apparently wants to influence the Iraqi insurgency as 'a gambling card.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1255955.php/ANALYSIS_Iraqi-Syrian_relations_turn_sour_verbal_war_continues
http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Iraqi_Syrian_relations_turn_sour_ve_02052007.html
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_12518-Iraqi-Syrian-Relations-Turn-Sour-Verbal-War-Continues.html
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Feb 5, 2007, 19:35 GMT
Baghdad/Cairo - Expectations that Syria would prove a 'caring neighbour' and peace partner for war-torn Iraq were dashed after Iraqi politicians accused Damascus of sheltering militants and aiding terrorist groups in Iraq.
'Around half of the murderers and bombers are radicals who come through Syria, Iraqi cabinet spokesman Ali al-Dabbagh told reporters Sunday adding, 'We have the evidence to prove it.'
Al-Dabbagh's allegations echoed accusations repeatedly voiced by US policy makers and implying that the attacks in Iraq occur with both the knowledge and consent of Syrian officials.
Iraq cannot afford to sever relations with its neighbours and in the worst-case scenario, it increases the possibility of a fully- fledged civil war, not just in Iraq but in the entire region.
The terrorists arrive via the Syrian borders, al-Dabbagh confirmed. MP Sami al-Askary said their entrance was 'continuous especially from Syria.'
The war of words between Iraq and Syria began Sunday, following a string of attacks across Baghdad. On Sunday, a truck bomb attack rocked a busy market in Baghdad killing more than 130 Iraqis, mostly Shiites, and wounding over 300.
The incident sent shockwaves through Shiite communities; even high-ranking Sunni authorities rushed to express their condolences and dodge responsibility.
Top Iraqi officials were quick to blame Syria. They accused the country of having a 'loose grip' on Syrian-Iraqi borders, and also charged that the country was financing terrorist groups within Iraq as well as facilitating their entry.
Iraqi authorities say Syria is also turning a blind eye to weapons smuggling into Iraqi territories.
During President Jalal Talabani's visit to Damascus, Syria had earlier responded that the porous desert land forming the long borderline between Iraq and Syria was almost impossible to control.
Adding insult to injury, the remarks came as hundreds of thousands of Iraqis seeking refuge from the anarchy in their own land fought Syrian restrictions on them. Al-Dabbagh had deemed Syria 'antagonistic' and unreceptive towards 'real' and legal refugees.
Syrian authorities vehemently and quickly denied any responsibility for the turmoil and lashed out at the 'fraudulent' allegations that Syrian intelligence was harassing legitimate Iraqi refugees.
Mohammed Habash, an Islamist and a Syrian MP, told al-Arabiya television that such remarks enticed 'hostility' in the region and were baseless.
'What has Syria got to do with the bombing of a vegetable market in Iraq? There is an American or Israeli hand to this,' Habash said.
After almost a quarter of a century of cool relations, in November 2006, the anti-US Syrian government, backed by Iran, started forging an alliance with Iraq, arguably attempting to act as a power broker and pressuring the US to start a dialogue in a bid to curb the unrest in Iraq.
Syrian intentions were not kept clandestine. Both Iranian and Syrian leaders told reporters that Western States had to be willing to talk to Iraq's neighbours.
Syria has also exchanged ambassadors with Iraq and Iran. The latter has been keen to draw Syria into a Tehran-based summit on the violence in Iraq. In January, President Talabini visited Damascus, signing a series of agreements - a first in decades.
But the contentment of Tehran and Damascus did not last for long because of the Iraqi officials' verbal attacks.
Only a few hours after the fiery accusation, Syrian news and pan- Arab TV channels quoted authorities saying that an 'Iraqi truck' loaded with explosives and arms had attempted to cross into Syria via the Lebanese border. The so-called smuggling attempt was immediately foiled, authorities said.
There is a message in this piece of news, which was timed with the accusations.
Damascus could be implying two things: that they are actually clamping down on would-be terrorists or that its very own territories are equally threatened by Iraqi militants trying to slip into Syria, then possibly into Iraq through the joint border.
Perhaps, it is a sign of goodwill that Syria is acting on information regarding militancy or an act of hostility. Baghdad, however, has not responded to the incident - and is not likely to.
Despite firing back, the Syrians continue to signal 'tolerance' to Iraqi authorities saying Monday they were still ready to broker peace in their neighbouring country.
Syria apparently wants to influence the Iraqi insurgency as 'a gambling card.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1255955.php/ANALYSIS_Iraqi-Syrian_relations_turn_sour_verbal_war_continues
http://rawstory.com/news/2006/Iraqi_Syrian_relations_turn_sour_ve_02052007.html
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_12518-Iraqi-Syrian-Relations-Turn-Sour-Verbal-War-Continues.html
Monday, January 29, 2007
DPA: Veil off - one woman's 'life-changing' decision
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Jan 29, 2007, 11:18 GMT
Cairo - Naira El-Sheikh -an Egyptian ex-fashion model - wore Hijab (Islamic headscarf) for more than five years. Her friends considered her 'an icon' for choosing 'piety' - Hijab being the symbol - over anything else.
Two weeks ago, Naira decided to take it off - the scarf that has been covering her hair from peering eyes and which completed the traditional conservative dress that Muslims generally wear in the Islamic world.
'When I made this decision there were extreme reactions from the people I know,' said Naira. 'Some people called it an overdue correction of a mistake. 'Welcome back!' they said. And others would not want to talk to me. I haven't welcomed any of these reactions.'
According to 25-year-old Naira, women from her age have been put under great pressure because of how the Egyptian society perceives Hijab and in turn veiled woman.
A veiled woman is not allowed the same 'liberties' that an unveiled woman is, and is usually held to different standards.
'I do believe Hijab is not just a dress code, it's a statement, a behavior and an attitude that you embrace,' said Naira. Nevertheless, she said that the society 'has come to expect so much from a veiled women.'
Upon donning the veil, the woman has to adopt certain conformist behavior that include maintaining a low-profile in public and abstaining from 'casual relationships' with the opposite sex.
Although this strict understanding of the veil is not outlined by the Koran, Naira explained that she tried to strictly abide by this socially-backed 'behavioral code' when she first took the veil on.
'I drastically changed my lifestyle but still it did not fit the expectations of some hardliners from both extremes - the so-called liberals and the so-called conservatives,' she observed.
Naira wore the headscarf, but juggled baggie pants, long skirts and long-sleeved shirts to preserve her individual style. Islamic scholars still disagree about the extent of how a Muslim woman should 'cover up.'
The Muslim's holiest book clearly states that a woman should cover her cleavage and dress modestly - but any other restrictions on dress remain debatable.
So the form of Hijab as many know it - one that includes headscarves and long robes - has been only common in Egypt and other neighboring countries for the past few decades, when a wave of 'piety' started to engulf some countries in the Middle East.
In the early 1990s particularly, Egypt transformed into a more conservative state where an estimated 70 per cent of Muslim women took on the Hijab.
Some women even started covering their hair with scarves while preserving their dress style that included wearing tight pants and body-hugging tops.
TV preacher Amr Khaled was one cleric who is considered to have introduced this neo-Islamic conservative trend.
Khaled, who abandoned the traditional scholarly robe for a suit and a tie, seemed to use a different tone of preaching that quickly captivated many of Egypt's younger people, many who usually left the mosque with teary eyes and a strong resolve to get closer to God.
Prayer, fasting and reading Koran became more common and Hijab for the girls was no exception.
Although scholars are divided about whether the scarf and the traditional Islamic gown is 'an obligation,' Khaled and several preachers who gradually rose to popularity, vehemently advocate it.
But as stricter forms of Hijab started to be widely adopted, another view emerged - that the veil has been used by radical scholars to 'control' and constrain women.
The rise of 'conservatism' seemed to go out of proportion, as certain apparel like the opaque face-veils and head-to-toe cloaks began to spread. This was also coupled by the 'inactivity' of some women who chose to confine themselves at home after donning the veil.
Many liberals feared that this trend may introduce to Egypt elements of 'backwardness' that are imported from Arab countries which promote a more rigid form of Islamic practice.
In a newspaper column, Islamic intellectual Mohammad Emara wrote against what he called 'Islamic transgressors' who use Hijab as a 'tool' to oppress Muslim women.
Emara said these people, who are engaged in a power struggle with women, force upon them a stringent lifestyle that is not necessarily compatible with what Islam preaches, and which is 'more political' than it is religious.
Emara advocated the headscarf but said that some scholars 'are attempting to push women back to the age of harem' with the Hijab.
Caught in the row between the contemptuous liberals and the uncompromising hardliners, some young women like Naira continue to struggle for 'a balance' between Islamic practice and living their life to the fullest 'without sin.'
Even with a veil on, Naira - a single mother - remained committed to a full-time day job as a business development manager, among other activities.
And after taking the veil off, Naira insists on 'practicing' Islam. And, she may return to covering her hair - 'when I am ready.'
But for her, the decision to take it on or to abandon it is both personal and religious - one that cannot be decided by preachers and their loyalists in the mosques.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1252962.php/Veil_off_-_one_womans_life-changing_decision
http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Veil_off_one_woman_s_life_changing__01282007.html
By Pakinam Amer
Jan 29, 2007, 11:18 GMT
Cairo - Naira El-Sheikh -an Egyptian ex-fashion model - wore Hijab (Islamic headscarf) for more than five years. Her friends considered her 'an icon' for choosing 'piety' - Hijab being the symbol - over anything else.
Two weeks ago, Naira decided to take it off - the scarf that has been covering her hair from peering eyes and which completed the traditional conservative dress that Muslims generally wear in the Islamic world.
'When I made this decision there were extreme reactions from the people I know,' said Naira. 'Some people called it an overdue correction of a mistake. 'Welcome back!' they said. And others would not want to talk to me. I haven't welcomed any of these reactions.'
According to 25-year-old Naira, women from her age have been put under great pressure because of how the Egyptian society perceives Hijab and in turn veiled woman.
A veiled woman is not allowed the same 'liberties' that an unveiled woman is, and is usually held to different standards.
'I do believe Hijab is not just a dress code, it's a statement, a behavior and an attitude that you embrace,' said Naira. Nevertheless, she said that the society 'has come to expect so much from a veiled women.'
Upon donning the veil, the woman has to adopt certain conformist behavior that include maintaining a low-profile in public and abstaining from 'casual relationships' with the opposite sex.
Although this strict understanding of the veil is not outlined by the Koran, Naira explained that she tried to strictly abide by this socially-backed 'behavioral code' when she first took the veil on.
'I drastically changed my lifestyle but still it did not fit the expectations of some hardliners from both extremes - the so-called liberals and the so-called conservatives,' she observed.
Naira wore the headscarf, but juggled baggie pants, long skirts and long-sleeved shirts to preserve her individual style. Islamic scholars still disagree about the extent of how a Muslim woman should 'cover up.'
The Muslim's holiest book clearly states that a woman should cover her cleavage and dress modestly - but any other restrictions on dress remain debatable.
So the form of Hijab as many know it - one that includes headscarves and long robes - has been only common in Egypt and other neighboring countries for the past few decades, when a wave of 'piety' started to engulf some countries in the Middle East.
In the early 1990s particularly, Egypt transformed into a more conservative state where an estimated 70 per cent of Muslim women took on the Hijab.
Some women even started covering their hair with scarves while preserving their dress style that included wearing tight pants and body-hugging tops.
TV preacher Amr Khaled was one cleric who is considered to have introduced this neo-Islamic conservative trend.
Khaled, who abandoned the traditional scholarly robe for a suit and a tie, seemed to use a different tone of preaching that quickly captivated many of Egypt's younger people, many who usually left the mosque with teary eyes and a strong resolve to get closer to God.
Prayer, fasting and reading Koran became more common and Hijab for the girls was no exception.
Although scholars are divided about whether the scarf and the traditional Islamic gown is 'an obligation,' Khaled and several preachers who gradually rose to popularity, vehemently advocate it.
But as stricter forms of Hijab started to be widely adopted, another view emerged - that the veil has been used by radical scholars to 'control' and constrain women.
The rise of 'conservatism' seemed to go out of proportion, as certain apparel like the opaque face-veils and head-to-toe cloaks began to spread. This was also coupled by the 'inactivity' of some women who chose to confine themselves at home after donning the veil.
Many liberals feared that this trend may introduce to Egypt elements of 'backwardness' that are imported from Arab countries which promote a more rigid form of Islamic practice.
In a newspaper column, Islamic intellectual Mohammad Emara wrote against what he called 'Islamic transgressors' who use Hijab as a 'tool' to oppress Muslim women.
Emara said these people, who are engaged in a power struggle with women, force upon them a stringent lifestyle that is not necessarily compatible with what Islam preaches, and which is 'more political' than it is religious.
Emara advocated the headscarf but said that some scholars 'are attempting to push women back to the age of harem' with the Hijab.
Caught in the row between the contemptuous liberals and the uncompromising hardliners, some young women like Naira continue to struggle for 'a balance' between Islamic practice and living their life to the fullest 'without sin.'
Even with a veil on, Naira - a single mother - remained committed to a full-time day job as a business development manager, among other activities.
And after taking the veil off, Naira insists on 'practicing' Islam. And, she may return to covering her hair - 'when I am ready.'
But for her, the decision to take it on or to abandon it is both personal and religious - one that cannot be decided by preachers and their loyalists in the mosques.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1252962.php/Veil_off_-_one_womans_life-changing_decision
http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Veil_off_one_woman_s_life_changing__01282007.html
Monday, January 01, 2007
DPA: Political conflicts seep into Lebanon's classrooms
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Jan 1, 2007, 2:25 GMT
Beirut - Political conflict has seeped into classrooms as college and high-school students and even children take sides while Lebanon suffers under a deteriorating political standoff.
'Are you (the ruling) March 14 (Forces) or opposition? the kids at my school always ask me nowadays,' says a young veiled student aged around 15, adding that fellow students once threatened her with a stick as they asked her who she supported.
Lebanon has been witnessing political turmoil since clashes erupted between opposition forces and the government several weeks ago.
The Shiite Amal and Hezbollah movements withdrew their support from the government, freezing their parliamentary membership and urging followers to take to the street in a sit-in that has been ongoing since December 1.
In two of Lebanon's main squares, hundreds of opposition remain gathered under white tents, holding rallies every night and bringing family and friends to join in.
Their attempt to topple Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's regime and to discredit Saad Hariri - leader of Future party and son of slain leader Rafik Hariri - have met a rigid stand from Seniora's regime.
Supporters of the government also have held rallies, but their voices were always drowned by the daily festival-like protests that the opposition held in the squares in they occupy.
Children and teens have been joining in the rhetoric. Political discussions and outspoken support for certain factions have led some schools to impose a 'punishment' system in which students lose points if they 'talk politics', whether in class or on the playground.
Teachers and professors were also banned from publicly expressing their political standpoints.
'But they can't hold themselves back. The teachers tell us not to discuss politics, but they discuss it despite themselves,' says Khaled el-Arabi, a Sunni high school student, who supports the opposition.
But while many of the opposition claim it is 'healthy' to talk politics, just as many school headmasters have told the press recently that the conflicts are tearing their students apart, dividing them and sometimes leading to rowdy arguments and fights.
'It bothers me that it has affected students so much,' says Mohammed, a 16-year-old at a private college. 'We clash. In some arguments, I feel that I might lose a friend because of differences.'
Two young opposition supporters, who refused to give their names, say they have been 'disciplined' by their college professor for expressing their views. 'They don't want fights because of this,' says one.
On the first day of the opposition's sit-in, a witness said a fight erupted between young rival supporters in one of Beirut's neighbourhoods. Even young children barged in and threw stones at each another.
Observers have told local TV and radio talk shows that while being 'politicized' can be healthy in adults or college students, it is not so for children aged 10 or 12, and they back the school ban on political discussions.
Some also say the children should not be blamed, but their parents. In protests, children often simply tag along, and so come to repeat what their parents say - perhaps without full realization. Because of the protests, many have become outspoken.
Speaking to a small group of the Hezbollah 'al-Mahdi' Girl Scout, all no older than 12, makes clear they are more involved than their ages suggests.
Listing reasons why Seniora's government was 'illegitimate' and how the premier had failed Lebanese people during last summer's 33- day conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, the girls are passionate and outspoken as they state what they 'believe in'.
Using words like 'democracy,' 'a need for a clean government' and knowing the names of American foreign diplomats, the girls sound beyond their age.
Nevertheless, some say they are facing problems because of politics and lack of 'tolerance.'
Zeinab, a 10-year-old member of Hezbollah's al-Mahdi Girl Scouts, says: 'One teacher told me 'if girls like you (from Hezbollah) stop going to school, Lebanon will be free and liberated'.'
Zeinab says she has asked to be moved to a Hezbollah-dominated school because of such comments, 'and to also be among my friends.'
At another level, some argue that students - no matter how old or young - are distracted by the protests, and that the hyped political activities are ruining the school year as end-of-term exams approach.
'I'm failing some subjects because of this,' says el-Arabi, the Sunni student, explaining that he is 'a clever' student.
El-Arabi's friends, standing at his side, also say they lost marks because they have often abandoned studies in order to go watch the festival-like rallies held every day.
And a headmaster has recently told the pan-Arab al-Arabiya television that some children have used the rallies as an excuse to skip school.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1238567.php/Political_conflicts_seep_into_Lebanons_classrooms
http://www.aina.org/news/20070101154018.htm
By Pakinam Amer
Jan 1, 2007, 2:25 GMT
Beirut - Political conflict has seeped into classrooms as college and high-school students and even children take sides while Lebanon suffers under a deteriorating political standoff.
'Are you (the ruling) March 14 (Forces) or opposition? the kids at my school always ask me nowadays,' says a young veiled student aged around 15, adding that fellow students once threatened her with a stick as they asked her who she supported.
Lebanon has been witnessing political turmoil since clashes erupted between opposition forces and the government several weeks ago.
The Shiite Amal and Hezbollah movements withdrew their support from the government, freezing their parliamentary membership and urging followers to take to the street in a sit-in that has been ongoing since December 1.
In two of Lebanon's main squares, hundreds of opposition remain gathered under white tents, holding rallies every night and bringing family and friends to join in.
Their attempt to topple Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's regime and to discredit Saad Hariri - leader of Future party and son of slain leader Rafik Hariri - have met a rigid stand from Seniora's regime.
Supporters of the government also have held rallies, but their voices were always drowned by the daily festival-like protests that the opposition held in the squares in they occupy.
Children and teens have been joining in the rhetoric. Political discussions and outspoken support for certain factions have led some schools to impose a 'punishment' system in which students lose points if they 'talk politics', whether in class or on the playground.
Teachers and professors were also banned from publicly expressing their political standpoints.
'But they can't hold themselves back. The teachers tell us not to discuss politics, but they discuss it despite themselves,' says Khaled el-Arabi, a Sunni high school student, who supports the opposition.
But while many of the opposition claim it is 'healthy' to talk politics, just as many school headmasters have told the press recently that the conflicts are tearing their students apart, dividing them and sometimes leading to rowdy arguments and fights.
'It bothers me that it has affected students so much,' says Mohammed, a 16-year-old at a private college. 'We clash. In some arguments, I feel that I might lose a friend because of differences.'
Two young opposition supporters, who refused to give their names, say they have been 'disciplined' by their college professor for expressing their views. 'They don't want fights because of this,' says one.
On the first day of the opposition's sit-in, a witness said a fight erupted between young rival supporters in one of Beirut's neighbourhoods. Even young children barged in and threw stones at each another.
Observers have told local TV and radio talk shows that while being 'politicized' can be healthy in adults or college students, it is not so for children aged 10 or 12, and they back the school ban on political discussions.
Some also say the children should not be blamed, but their parents. In protests, children often simply tag along, and so come to repeat what their parents say - perhaps without full realization. Because of the protests, many have become outspoken.
Speaking to a small group of the Hezbollah 'al-Mahdi' Girl Scout, all no older than 12, makes clear they are more involved than their ages suggests.
Listing reasons why Seniora's government was 'illegitimate' and how the premier had failed Lebanese people during last summer's 33- day conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, the girls are passionate and outspoken as they state what they 'believe in'.
Using words like 'democracy,' 'a need for a clean government' and knowing the names of American foreign diplomats, the girls sound beyond their age.
Nevertheless, some say they are facing problems because of politics and lack of 'tolerance.'
Zeinab, a 10-year-old member of Hezbollah's al-Mahdi Girl Scouts, says: 'One teacher told me 'if girls like you (from Hezbollah) stop going to school, Lebanon will be free and liberated'.'
Zeinab says she has asked to be moved to a Hezbollah-dominated school because of such comments, 'and to also be among my friends.'
At another level, some argue that students - no matter how old or young - are distracted by the protests, and that the hyped political activities are ruining the school year as end-of-term exams approach.
'I'm failing some subjects because of this,' says el-Arabi, the Sunni student, explaining that he is 'a clever' student.
El-Arabi's friends, standing at his side, also say they lost marks because they have often abandoned studies in order to go watch the festival-like rallies held every day.
And a headmaster has recently told the pan-Arab al-Arabiya television that some children have used the rallies as an excuse to skip school.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1238567.php/Political_conflicts_seep_into_Lebanons_classrooms
http://www.aina.org/news/20070101154018.htm
Friday, December 29, 2006
DPA: Jumblatt remarks spark anger - reconciliation at risk
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 29, 2006, 17:50 GMT
Beirut - Druze leader Walid Jumblatt's recent statements against Hezbollah have sparked heated criticism from the opposition and applause from some Lebanese government supporters as the end of the 'feasts truce' approaches.
Jumblatt, an ally of Prime Minister Fouad Seniora and of the Future party, recently accused Hezbollah and Syria of plotting assassinations of Lebanese leaders, deeming Hezbollah unpatriotic and 'not Lebanese.'
In the opposition camps, where protestors and opposition members have been holding a sit-in for nearly a month in front of Seniora's office, people said they were used to Jumblatt's controversial statements.
But some pro-Syrian Hezbollah supporters were angry at what they called Jumblatt's 'defamatory' remarks.
A Hezbollah spokesman was quoted as saying that Jumblatt was trying to 'denigrate everything that the resistance (Hezbollah) has stood for.'
Around the camp, even some government supporters voiced doubts that Jumblatt would ever stick to his statements.
'Now (the rival forces) are engaged in verbal fights. But when they reach a deadlock, they will all change their positions and Jumblatt himself will put his hands in the hands of Hezbollah,' said one Sunni Future party supporter.
Others said the criticism of Hezbollah was not new, and that Syria was indeed considered responsible for assassinations of Lebanese leaders - way before Jumblatt's remarks were made.
Jumblatt's statements came after a month-long demonstrations, staged by Shiite Hezbollah, Amal and their Christian ally Michelle Aoun.
The demonstrations were sparked after Seniora approved a UN tribunal to try those suspected of playing a role in the February 2005 bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
A UN inquiry has implicated Syria in the plot against Hariri, who vocally opposed Damascus' then control of the country.
In statements to the pan-Arab Al-Arabiya channel, Jumblatt said that Syria was trying to form another secluded state inside Lebanon - represented in Hezbollah, a movement which, says Jumblatt, owns 'death squads'.
The outspoken leader added that Shiite Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah was taking his orders from the Sunni Syrian and Shiite Iranian regimes.
'Is it right that (Bashar) Assad and his men, men like Hassan Nasrallah, create a nation inside the (Lebanese) state? And (for Nasrallah) to take his orders from Syria and Iran?' Jumblatt asked in an al-Arabiya interview.
'(Nasrallah) has his followers, his arms, and his culture - which is against our culture. His culture is one of misery, martyrdom, and sorrow,' he added.
Jumblat took his criticism even further, warning the young Syrian president 'who is murdering free people in Lebanon' that there would be a 'Nawaf' for him - a sort of a freedom-fighter from anywhere inside Lebanon.
Nawaf Ghazaleh is a Syrian Druze assassin who shot to death ex- Syrian president Adib Shishakli.
'If the UN tribunal is hindered, we will all be Nawaf,' added Jumblatt.
In response, opposition leaders have described Jumblatt's statement as 'hostile.'
Across anti-government media outlets, the leaders said Jumblatt's statements could mark an end to the already fragile 'feasts truce'.
Jumblatt also criticized Nabih Berri, ally of Hezbollah, speaker of the Lebanese National Assembly and leader of Amal, who told the press earlier that he will introduce a new 'initiative' aiming at reconciliation and suggesting resolutions to end the current political standoff.
In Beirut-based al-Akhbar newspaper, Berri's suggestions were said to reportedly include a quota-based government board whose duty is to review and approve the UN tribunal, where three of the board members would be from the ruling party, three from the opposition in addition to four independent officers.
The 10-member board, according to the newspaper, should also prepare for new presidential and parliamentary elections.
So far, the details of the initiative were not disclosed and reports by al-Akhbar remain unconfirmed.
According to Berri, the full details of initiative will be announced within 10 days.
Pan-Arab TV channels had also said that this initiative will be solidified by Saudi and Iranian leaders, who are willing to facilitate the meditation between the Lebanese rival parties.
According to Al-Arabiya, the 'reconciliation' could occur on 'a Saudi table of negotiations.'
Berri is also said to have met privately with leaders of rival factions.
Berri's initiative had also coincided with statements that Saad Hariri, son of slain premier Rafik Hariri and Future party leader, had made during the truce.
Hariri had said that he was 'confident' that the UN inquiry into the killing of his father would 'see light soon.'
However, Jumblatt's statements perhaps will escalate the issues further - as observers note- after people saw a 'glimpse of hope' following Berri's and Hariri's statements.
In his remarks to Al-Arabiya, Jumblatt did not exclude Berri - considered a moderate voice in the opposition - from his fiery criticism, declaring: 'Berri is a hostage (in Hezbollah's hands) and he is threatened.'
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237979.php/Jumblatt_remarks_spark_anger_-_reconciliation_at_risk
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 29, 2006, 17:50 GMT
Beirut - Druze leader Walid Jumblatt's recent statements against Hezbollah have sparked heated criticism from the opposition and applause from some Lebanese government supporters as the end of the 'feasts truce' approaches.
Jumblatt, an ally of Prime Minister Fouad Seniora and of the Future party, recently accused Hezbollah and Syria of plotting assassinations of Lebanese leaders, deeming Hezbollah unpatriotic and 'not Lebanese.'
In the opposition camps, where protestors and opposition members have been holding a sit-in for nearly a month in front of Seniora's office, people said they were used to Jumblatt's controversial statements.
But some pro-Syrian Hezbollah supporters were angry at what they called Jumblatt's 'defamatory' remarks.
A Hezbollah spokesman was quoted as saying that Jumblatt was trying to 'denigrate everything that the resistance (Hezbollah) has stood for.'
Around the camp, even some government supporters voiced doubts that Jumblatt would ever stick to his statements.
'Now (the rival forces) are engaged in verbal fights. But when they reach a deadlock, they will all change their positions and Jumblatt himself will put his hands in the hands of Hezbollah,' said one Sunni Future party supporter.
Others said the criticism of Hezbollah was not new, and that Syria was indeed considered responsible for assassinations of Lebanese leaders - way before Jumblatt's remarks were made.
Jumblatt's statements came after a month-long demonstrations, staged by Shiite Hezbollah, Amal and their Christian ally Michelle Aoun.
The demonstrations were sparked after Seniora approved a UN tribunal to try those suspected of playing a role in the February 2005 bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
A UN inquiry has implicated Syria in the plot against Hariri, who vocally opposed Damascus' then control of the country.
In statements to the pan-Arab Al-Arabiya channel, Jumblatt said that Syria was trying to form another secluded state inside Lebanon - represented in Hezbollah, a movement which, says Jumblatt, owns 'death squads'.
The outspoken leader added that Shiite Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah was taking his orders from the Sunni Syrian and Shiite Iranian regimes.
'Is it right that (Bashar) Assad and his men, men like Hassan Nasrallah, create a nation inside the (Lebanese) state? And (for Nasrallah) to take his orders from Syria and Iran?' Jumblatt asked in an al-Arabiya interview.
'(Nasrallah) has his followers, his arms, and his culture - which is against our culture. His culture is one of misery, martyrdom, and sorrow,' he added.
Jumblat took his criticism even further, warning the young Syrian president 'who is murdering free people in Lebanon' that there would be a 'Nawaf' for him - a sort of a freedom-fighter from anywhere inside Lebanon.
Nawaf Ghazaleh is a Syrian Druze assassin who shot to death ex- Syrian president Adib Shishakli.
'If the UN tribunal is hindered, we will all be Nawaf,' added Jumblatt.
In response, opposition leaders have described Jumblatt's statement as 'hostile.'
Across anti-government media outlets, the leaders said Jumblatt's statements could mark an end to the already fragile 'feasts truce'.
Jumblatt also criticized Nabih Berri, ally of Hezbollah, speaker of the Lebanese National Assembly and leader of Amal, who told the press earlier that he will introduce a new 'initiative' aiming at reconciliation and suggesting resolutions to end the current political standoff.
In Beirut-based al-Akhbar newspaper, Berri's suggestions were said to reportedly include a quota-based government board whose duty is to review and approve the UN tribunal, where three of the board members would be from the ruling party, three from the opposition in addition to four independent officers.
The 10-member board, according to the newspaper, should also prepare for new presidential and parliamentary elections.
So far, the details of the initiative were not disclosed and reports by al-Akhbar remain unconfirmed.
According to Berri, the full details of initiative will be announced within 10 days.
Pan-Arab TV channels had also said that this initiative will be solidified by Saudi and Iranian leaders, who are willing to facilitate the meditation between the Lebanese rival parties.
According to Al-Arabiya, the 'reconciliation' could occur on 'a Saudi table of negotiations.'
Berri is also said to have met privately with leaders of rival factions.
Berri's initiative had also coincided with statements that Saad Hariri, son of slain premier Rafik Hariri and Future party leader, had made during the truce.
Hariri had said that he was 'confident' that the UN inquiry into the killing of his father would 'see light soon.'
However, Jumblatt's statements perhaps will escalate the issues further - as observers note- after people saw a 'glimpse of hope' following Berri's and Hariri's statements.
In his remarks to Al-Arabiya, Jumblatt did not exclude Berri - considered a moderate voice in the opposition - from his fiery criticism, declaring: 'Berri is a hostage (in Hezbollah's hands) and he is threatened.'
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237979.php/Jumblatt_remarks_spark_anger_-_reconciliation_at_risk
DPA: Protestors vow to stay in Beirut's tent city despite cold
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 29, 2006, 14:02 GMT
Beirut - As the winter chill moves into Beirut, protestors are constructing what they call 'the opposition tent city,' vowing not to give in to lower temperatures or abandon their demonstration against Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's government.
The largely Hezbollah-backed opponents, who have been staking out their place in central Beirut for a month, were busily filling their tents with supplies and other winter necessities not far from where Seniora and his cabinet have sought refuge, separated only by the Lebanese army and metres of barbed wire.
The pro-Syrian Hezbollah, along with the Amal movement and their Christian ally Michel Aoun, have been leading the month-long protest, leaving the embattled country in a political standoff with no end in sight.
The demonstrations were sparked after Seniora approved a UN tribunal to try those suspected of playing a role in the February 2005 bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
A UN inquiry has implicated Syria in the plot against Hariri, who vocally opposed Damascus' then occupation of the country.
Each of the factions has established a separate make-shift camp in Beirut's once-chic squares, with Amal and Hezbollah occupying Riad al-Solh square, the largest spot in close proximity to the Ottoman- era governmental palace where Seniora and members of his cabinet have sought sanctuary since the beginning of December.
'If they're playing the time game, thinking we will get bored as time goes by, they should know that they are wrong and that we will win,' a young Hezbollah supporter said.
Seniora, who strictly opposes a Syrian role in internal Lebanese affairs, has refused to back down, saying the protestors 'will not scare us' in a recent address to the nation. The crisis has drawn a great deal of attention in the region, but attempts to end the stalemate have been unsuccessful.
Seniora's cabinet has done little to break up the protest but has steadfastly refused to give in to the demands of its leaders, raising questions about how long the protestors can keep up the pressure.
After Nabih Berry, speaker of the Lebanese National Assembly and leader of Amal, declared that initiatives to end the dispute between the government and opposition failed, the protestors have hardened their stance.
Reports on Thursday said Arab League Secretary General Amr Mussa may cancel plans to return to Lebanon if both sides continue to show no willingness to compromise.
Ya Libnan news reported that Mussa's return is 'not guaranteed' if he does not receive 'encouraging and tangible signals' from the rival sides. Mussa said last week he would do everything possible to end the standoff but that both sides had to work out the 'details.'
Some analysts believe Mussa's effort is doomed to fail because of the continued verbal barrages between government officials and the protestors, and there are concerns the opposition will become more aggressive in their demonstrations.
Meanwhile, the protestors have continued assembling their 'tent city,' stockpiling water, food, pillows and blankets while taking an occasional break to attend lectures.
'Not everyone can afford to stay here and pay for food and water every day, so we decided to take on this mission,' said a senior coordinator in the Amal movement who asked his name be withheld.
'We're trying to make these tents as hospitable as possible,' he said, adding the protests could last all winter 'for all we know.'
'We're not leaving until the government steps down,' another opposition supporter exclaimed.
Firmly pinned tents have been raised above the ground by rock tiles and layered with plastic to protect them against the rain and possible flooding. There are portable toilets and the tent have mats, blankets, electricity and in some cases televisions or radios powered by generators supplied by Hezbollah and Amal.
The Amal aide insisted that the funding for the sit-in was coming from Lebanese sympathetic to the movement, but there has also been speculation that Iran and Syria are funding the protests to assert their influence in the country.
But nevertheless, the protestors remain determined. A group of Hezbollah youths told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that they 'could stay here forever.'
'We will not give up. We could stay here (in the camps) for years,' said one member as others signalled their agreement.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1237794.php/Protestors_vow_to_stay_in_Beiruts_tent_city_despite_cold
By Pakinam Amer
Dec 29, 2006, 14:02 GMT
Beirut - As the winter chill moves into Beirut, protestors are constructing what they call 'the opposition tent city,' vowing not to give in to lower temperatures or abandon their demonstration against Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Seniora's government.
The largely Hezbollah-backed opponents, who have been staking out their place in central Beirut for a month, were busily filling their tents with supplies and other winter necessities not far from where Seniora and his cabinet have sought refuge, separated only by the Lebanese army and metres of barbed wire.
The pro-Syrian Hezbollah, along with the Amal movement and their Christian ally Michel Aoun, have been leading the month-long protest, leaving the embattled country in a political standoff with no end in sight.
The demonstrations were sparked after Seniora approved a UN tribunal to try those suspected of playing a role in the February 2005 bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
A UN inquiry has implicated Syria in the plot against Hariri, who vocally opposed Damascus' then occupation of the country.
Each of the factions has established a separate make-shift camp in Beirut's once-chic squares, with Amal and Hezbollah occupying Riad al-Solh square, the largest spot in close proximity to the Ottoman- era governmental palace where Seniora and members of his cabinet have sought sanctuary since the beginning of December.
'If they're playing the time game, thinking we will get bored as time goes by, they should know that they are wrong and that we will win,' a young Hezbollah supporter said.
Seniora, who strictly opposes a Syrian role in internal Lebanese affairs, has refused to back down, saying the protestors 'will not scare us' in a recent address to the nation. The crisis has drawn a great deal of attention in the region, but attempts to end the stalemate have been unsuccessful.
Seniora's cabinet has done little to break up the protest but has steadfastly refused to give in to the demands of its leaders, raising questions about how long the protestors can keep up the pressure.
After Nabih Berry, speaker of the Lebanese National Assembly and leader of Amal, declared that initiatives to end the dispute between the government and opposition failed, the protestors have hardened their stance.
Reports on Thursday said Arab League Secretary General Amr Mussa may cancel plans to return to Lebanon if both sides continue to show no willingness to compromise.
Ya Libnan news reported that Mussa's return is 'not guaranteed' if he does not receive 'encouraging and tangible signals' from the rival sides. Mussa said last week he would do everything possible to end the standoff but that both sides had to work out the 'details.'
Some analysts believe Mussa's effort is doomed to fail because of the continued verbal barrages between government officials and the protestors, and there are concerns the opposition will become more aggressive in their demonstrations.
Meanwhile, the protestors have continued assembling their 'tent city,' stockpiling water, food, pillows and blankets while taking an occasional break to attend lectures.
'Not everyone can afford to stay here and pay for food and water every day, so we decided to take on this mission,' said a senior coordinator in the Amal movement who asked his name be withheld.
'We're trying to make these tents as hospitable as possible,' he said, adding the protests could last all winter 'for all we know.'
'We're not leaving until the government steps down,' another opposition supporter exclaimed.
Firmly pinned tents have been raised above the ground by rock tiles and layered with plastic to protect them against the rain and possible flooding. There are portable toilets and the tent have mats, blankets, electricity and in some cases televisions or radios powered by generators supplied by Hezbollah and Amal.
The Amal aide insisted that the funding for the sit-in was coming from Lebanese sympathetic to the movement, but there has also been speculation that Iran and Syria are funding the protests to assert their influence in the country.
But nevertheless, the protestors remain determined. A group of Hezbollah youths told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that they 'could stay here forever.'
'We will not give up. We could stay here (in the camps) for years,' said one member as others signalled their agreement.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
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