Saturday, January 26, 2008

Mubarak offers to broker talks between Hamas and Fatah - AP

Jan 25, 2008 23:26 Updated Jan 26, 2008 0:13

By Pakinam Amer
ASSOCIATED PRESS
CAIRO, Egypt

Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak offered on Friday to host talks between rival Palestinian Fatah and Hamas leaders, in an apparent effort to raise his country's role as Mideast peace broker and ease the pressure following Gaza Palestinian influx into Egypt from the Hamas-controlled strip.

In an interview for Saturday's edition of the Egyptian weekly al-Osboa, Mubarak said he wants peace between the Palestinians.

"I want this language of violence to stop," Mubarak was quoted as saying by the state MENA news agency. "Peace could be achieved on the basis of international resolutions and agreements that demand the establishment of Palestinian state."

Hamas appeared eager to accept the offer.

Ayman Taha, Hamas spokesman in Gaza, told the pan-Arab Al-Jazeera TV that Hamas's supreme leader, the Syria-based Khaled Mashaal, was ready to accept Mubarak's invitation to an "unconditional dialogue."

"We as Hamas have nothing against sitting in Egypt for dialogue and to end all our differences with our brothers in Fatah," Taha told Al-Arabiya, another pan-Arab satellite channel.

But Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas's representative in Egypt, Nabil Shaath told The Associated Press that Fatah has made no decision on the invitation.

Abbas's position was clear, Shaath said: Fatah was "always ready for dialogue," but what was important was the result of such talks. And a result cannot be achieved "unless Hamas announces its readiness to let go of military control" of Gaza, he said.

Shaath also said Abbas will head to Egypt after meeting with Prime Minister Ehud Olmert on Sunday and would talk more here about Mubarak's offer.

Mubarak's offer came as Egypt is enduring an influx of hundreds of thousands of Gazans through its border with Gaza Strip since Wednesday, when Hamas members blew up segments of the border wall separating the area from Egypt.

The breach climaxed a week of Gazans' discontent after Israel imposed a blockade on the Strip, stopping shipments of fuel, medicine and food. Israel has also been carrying out air strikes and limited ground operations against Gazan terrorists who are launching attacks on Israel.

Egypt has failed to stem the flow of Gazans or manage the chaotic border situation, despite deploying reinforcement. Egypt has long feared the instability in the Hamas-controlled Gaza could spill over into Egypt, and has been distancing itself from Hamas. The last time Hamas and Fatah met for talks in Cairo was in Feb. 2005.

Earlier this month, Hamas Premier Ismail Haniyeh in Gaza called for talks with Egypt and Fatah, to work out a new shared arrangement for Gaza's border crossings. At the time, Haniyeh suggested Hamas would be prepared to cede some control to the Abbas government in the West Bank.

In Syria Friday, radical Palestinian factions called on the two rival Palestinian groups to begin dialogue and end their power struggle. A statement at the end of the three-day National Palestinian Conference of factions opposed to peace with Israel stressed the need for Palestinians to unite in the face of the worsening Gaza situation, which they ascribed to Israel's siege.

Dialogue is the "only way to solve inter-Palestinian differences," the groups said.

LINK: http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1201070794077&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull
http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2008/01/25/africa/ME-GEN-Egypt-Palestinians-Talks.php

Thursday, January 24, 2008

Egypt arrests Muslim Brotherhood to stop Gaza protests - AP

By Pakinam Amer
Associated Press Writer
2008-01-23 16:28:37 -

CAIRO, Egypt (AP) - Egyptian police have arrested at least 460 members of the opposition Muslim Brotherhood, including leading figures, in their attempt to thwart a planned demonstration in protest of Israel's blockade of the Hamas-controlled Gaza strip, security officials said Wednesday.

The demonstration was scheduled to take place in front of the Arab League's headquarters in downtown Cairo by noon, and was expected to attract hundreds of political activists and members of the banned Islamic group.

Muslim Brotherhood members from across different provinces, mainly the oasis city of Fayoum and the Mediterranean port city of Alexandria, have been flocking to the capital to join members of their brethren since the early hours Wednesday, according to a security official. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk to the press.

However, their attempt to reach the protest site was prevented by security forces who dispersed the walking crowds by force and detained at least 300 of the activists in Cairo alone. Police also arrested a total of 160 others in metro and train stations outside of the capital or when they were about to get into their vehicles and heading to Cairo.

A statement from the Brotherhood said their members, would-be-protesters, were held back by riot police and beaten by batons and heavy clubs. Five lawmakers among them were surrounded by police and were continuously badmouthed, the statement said.

Brotherhood leader Mohammed Mahdi Akef described the arrests as «an embarrassment, a disgrace» and called on authorities to end this «unfair campaign» and immediately release the group members.

He ascribed the sudden flurry of arrests to rising «popular support for lifting the blockade on Gaza and opening the crossing points in Rafah to assuage the suffering of the Palestinian people.

Some 64 members were arrested from Alexandria, including leading member Ali Abdel Fattah, 16 from Cairo's twin city of Giza, 52 from Fayoum and the rest from elsewhere in the Nile Delta, security officials said.

Brotherhood lawyer Abdel Moneim Abdel Maqsoud told The Associated Press that so far, 380 members of the organization have been arrested in Cairo in connection with protests over the situation in Gaza.

The group has been urging the Egyptian government to reopen the closed border crossings with Gaza for humanitarian aid to the Palestinians in Gaza. Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak announced on Wednesday that he had ordered his troops to allow the Palestinians into Egypt to buy food in Rafah after thousands broke through the border.

Earlier in the day, around a thousand Cairo University students, including many affiliated with the Brotherhood, held a rally on campus in support of the Gaza Palestinians despite Mubarak's move to allow Palestinians to cross into Egypt because they were starving.

Damietta, north of Cairo, witnessed another Gaza-related demonstration of around 3000 activists _ mostly Brotherhood members. Twelve organizers were arrested, security officials said.

The Brotherhood, founded 1928, but officially banned since in 1954, is Egypt's largest opposition group with its lawmakers, who run as independents, holding just over a fifth of the seats in the 454-member lower house of the parliament.

Link: http://www.pr-inside.com/egypt-arrests-muslim-brotherhood-to-r400530.htm
http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3497959,00.html

Thursday, January 17, 2008

Al-Jazeera: US Fails to Isolate Iran from Arabs

By Pakinam Amer in Cairo

George Bush, the US president, has urged Arab states to think of Iran as the greatest threat to their security, but his warnings are likely to fall on deaf ears in the Middle East.

During a stop in the United Arab Emirates on his Middle East tour on Sunday, Bush called Tehran a "sponsor of terror" and urged Arab allies to confront Iranian "extremism".

But Middle East analysts say the US president is too late as key American allies in the Arab world have thrown their weight behind a growing rapprochement with Iran.

Seyed Mohammad Marandi, a political analyst and professor of political science at Tehran University, said American fumbling in the Middle East has pushed Arabs to adopt dialogue with the Islamic Republic.

He said: "America's wrong policies in the Middle East have ironically helped Iran's voice be heard more clearly, as well as Iran's political prudence that has kept it away from the conflicts in the area.

"At this moment in time, the United States' popularity is at its lowest level among the people all over the Arab world, and Iran's popularity has grown immensely as the only regional power standing against the United States in the same region."

Unprecedented moves
For most of 2007, the US tried to push through a UN resolution to impose economic sanctions on Iran if it did not halt its alleged nuclear weapons programme.
But Washington failed in its bid to isolate Iran in the Middle East.

Not only did its Arab allies reject a punitive US military strike against Iran, but they were also keen on bolstering their own ties with the country.

The members of the Gulf Co-operation Council countries invited Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Iran's president, to attend their annual meeting held in Doha, Qatar last December while Egypt engaged in shuttle diplomacy of its own with Tehran.

Often contentious issues between Iran and its neighbours, such as a string of disputed islands bordering the United Arab Emirates, were shelved for later "dialogue" in favour of building trust and rapprochement.

Weeks later, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia invited Ahmadinejad to perform the Hajj in Mecca.

Even Egypt has been keen on extending a friendly hand towards Iran. For the first time in 27 years, the two countries are discussing the possibility of renewing diplomatic relations and reopening Tehran's embassy in Cairo.

In 1980, Tehran cut off ties when Anwar Sadat, then Egyptian president, hosted Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, the deposed Shah of Iran.

Iran also blamed Egypt for supporting its enemy during the eight-year Iran-Iraq war.

But last week, Ahmadinejad told Iranian television that if Egypt decided to restore full diplomatic ties, he would "put the new Iranian ambassador on the next plane to Cairo".

Street name changed

Iran also caved in to Egyptian demands and recently changed the name of a Tehran street honouring Khaled el-Islamboli, the man who assassinated Sadat.

Fahmy Howeidy, an Egyptian scholar and expert on Iran, believes recent conflicts, including the Iraq war, have elevated Tehran's importance in the region.

"For one, no one can talk about the Iraqi file without mentioning Iran. Iran is also involved in the Lebanese and Afghani files [and] it has connections with the Syrians, the Palestinians. Thus, if anyone wants to reach a settlement in the region, he should approach Iran," he told Al Jazeera.

Mustafa Bakri, an Egyptian MP and opposition journalist, agrees.

He said: "In the coming period, Iran will play a significant role in the Gulf regional security, perhaps even with the undeclared consent of the international powers.

"At the same time, the Gulf countries would seek to assure Iran that their lands will not be a base from which any war against it will be launched."

Mohammad Ali Hosseini, Iran's foreign ministry spokesman, earlier said that existing relations between Iran and its Arab neighbours should be strengthened.

He said: "We believe the stronger the ties get, the more stability, peace and security the Persian Gulf region will enjoy and that is a crucial necessity needed by both Iran and its neighbours in the region."

Marandi believes that the normalisation of Arab ties with Iran also plays to domestic consumption.

"It's despite US pressure that Arab countries are extending a friendly hand towards Iran," he said.

"The reality is that a lot of the Arab regimes have always been very close to the United States and some of them have been dependent on the United States.
"It's for the benefits of these governments to strengthen ties with the Iranian government and be seen as independent."

Role in Iraq

In Iraq, Iranian influence - and involvement - is becoming pivotal to stabilising the country, five years after the US-led invasion that toppled the Saddam Hussein government.

In late January, US and Iranian representatives are expected to sit for a fourth round of discussions over Iraq's security.

Ahead of the talks, US generals who once accused Iran of arming and training Shia death squads, conceded that Iran has a constructive role to play in Iraq by curbing arms and fighters from crossing the border.

Hussein Hafez, a political science professor at Baghdad University, said the US has tried to isolate Iraqi Shias from Iran since 2003.

He said: "Iraq's Shia society is an integral element in the architecture of America's tie-up with Iran and vice versa. Iran is a major and influential state in the region. It is not possible any more for the American think-tanks and decision-makers to deal so naively and simply with a state like Iran."

Hafez says Tehran's ongoing support for Shia militias, which he believes undermine US efforts in Iraq, make US-Iran negotiations "inevitable".

"The Iranian-US dialogue in so many ways reminds me of the US foreign policy shift before its complete defeat in Vietnam; back then,the American strategy experts had noted that the US administration had changed its policies towards the countries of south-east Asia."

However, Iraq is unlikely to benefit from US-Iran talks, he said.
"Unfortunately, the US does not care about the interests of any of Iraq's factions. It is its own interests that it serves."

Cautious steps

While the threat of war between the US and Iran has significantly subsided since a National Intelligence Estimate report said Tehran halted its nuclear weapons programme in 2003, tensions remain high.

Bush's Iran terror warning earlier this week was preceded by a showdown between Iranian gunboats and US warships in the Gulf.

Iranians say such brinkmanship and speeches means that Tehran still distrusts Washington's intentions and is waiting for the US elections for any signs of a shift in strategy.

"Iran is wary of the US policy change," says Marandi in Tehran.
"I don't think that the Iranians really believe that this [US] administration has shifted its policy towards Iran and I think that they are waiting to see what the next administration will do."

With additional reporting by Doha Al Zohairy in Cairo and Alireza Ronaghi, Al Jazeera's Iran correspondent.

Link to the article: http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/5620B788-6455-4C5C-A7D5-9A3CC917517D.htm

In Egypt, unrest will spill over into 2008 - dpa

By Pakinam Amer
Dec. 18, 2007

Cairo (dpa) - In the last few months of 2007, Egypt has experienced a series of massive workers strikes, motivated by none other than poor standards of living and lack of privileges, foreboding the beginning of a possible "uprising" by Egypt‘s poor.

But an angry struggle against deteriorating economic conditions is not the only source of concern for many Egyptian analysts. "Political oppression" is another and as the year ends, pro-democracy activists say that they are as worried as ever about Egypt‘s political future.

"Inevitably the country‘s political struggles will spill over into the coming year," says legal expert and human rights activist Hafez Abu Saada.

Against the backdrop of economic problems and amid tensions created by a political war between banned Islamist movements like theMuslim Brotherhood and the ruling powers, observers are predicting that the coming year will be equally dominated by both pro-democracy activity and workforce riots.

Egypt should expect more signs of the coming of "a revolution of the hungry" not unlike the bread riots that occurred during the rule of former president Anwar al-Sadat, one newspaper columnist wrote.

The expression "revolution of the hungry" was coined by opposition columnists to describe an aggressive resistance to stringent pro-capitalist economic policies, privatization being a common example, that stomp on the rights of underprivileged Egyptians in favour of the well-to-do.

For these columnists, the "resistance" was clear in September‘s week-long strike of 27,000 Egyptian workers over low wages and overdue benefits in northern Gharbiya province.

In the eyes of observers, the protests signaled the birth of a new front of opposition to the government.

At one point, the workers took control of one of the state‘s biggest mills and threatened to overthrow its administration. The state had to bow to their demands when attempts to quell the workers‘ protests by force had promised to be disastrous.

The workers protests were coupled with the controversy over the food subsidy policy with government cancelling food ration coupons for "undeserving" citizens and increasing prices of some subsidized goods.

The policy was enacted in the 1960s and has encompassed basic food items like flour, oil, rice, and sugar. Wheat is also subsidized, and in turn bread whose quality is less than mediocre but relatively affordable for many Egyptians.

A very common sight in the streets is the morning bread queues, so the notion of making bread more expensive has already driven many otherwise passive Egyptians to speak out in a struggle for the last remnant of government assistance.

"In addition, privatization continues to throw more people to the streets, while early retirement (policies) lay off workers and leave them with a monthly allowance that barely makes ends meet," said Abu Saada.

This kind of proletariat opposition is not political, says Malek Moustafa, one of Egypt‘s prominent political bloggers: "Hunger is what has driven these people to the streets."

Moustafa also believes that protests for civil liberties and political freedom will continue unabated but will not be as influential, "especially in the absence of the US as a supporter."

In late 2006 and more so in 2007, the United States support for political reform in Egypt has faltered. Egypt remains the second-biggest recipient of US aid in the world. And although cutting down the aid was a demand of many "angry" activists inside Egypt, most analysts believe that the possibility is far-fetched.

The Hamas experience in the nearby Gaza Strip made the likelihood of Islamists coming to power in Egypt if free elections were to beheld a scary prospect for both the US and the international community, observers feel. Thus, the US has found itself compelled to support authoritarian regimes like Mubarak‘s, says Abu Saada.

Once the country‘s most outspoken movement, the Kifaya (Enough) group has withdrew from the political scene as well, amid reports of rifts among its own ranks. And despite trying to initiate a "civil disobedience" campaign last July in order to protest the government‘s domestic policies, the group‘s activity has become feeble in 2007.

Adding to the tension-filled atmosphere is the flurry regarding human rights violations. Reports of torture in prisons and abrupt, unjustified detentions are flying around while a crackdown on dissident members of the press continued fiercely.

"No one expects 2008 to be a better year," says Abu Saada. "We expect more chains (on freedoms), more (political) oppression and more repression of the country‘s poor."

© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur

Link: http://www.earthtimes.org/articles/show/160545.html

Iraq's refugee writers scramble for a living in Egypt - dpa

By Pakinam Amer
Dec. 17, 2007

Cairo (dpa) - Iraqi writers and journalists exiled abroad owing to the poor security situation in their native country are facing the prospect of having to return home to "save face" because of dwindling finances and poor security prospects, many say.

"People are returning because they‘re running out of money. The alternative is to extend your hand out and beg," says Alia Taleb, a female writer and the former managing editor of a Baghdad-based newspaper.

"But an Iraqi would rather die in his land then beg for money in a foreign country. Iraqis return so that they won‘t be stripped of their pride and dignity," added Taleb, who left Baghdad more than a year earlier.

Recently, reports of relative stability in Baghdad had encouraged many to return, especially those without enough financial resources.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), has however warned Iraqis against returning home, insisting that the country still suffers from lack of security and services. In additiona UN survey has revealed that two-thirds of those who returned found their homes occupied and so became displaced again.

Like other Iraqi refugees, the writers and journalists exiled in Egypt have accommodation problems because of strict visa rules endorsed to control the flow of asylum-seekers into the country.

According to the UN refugees‘ body, one out of eight Iraqis have left their country - the largest long-term movement since the displacement of the Palestinians in 1948.

In Egypt alone, a country rife with poverty and with more than 79 million inhabitants mostly concentrated in Cairo and around the Nile delta, at least 80,000 Iraqis have arrived since the 2003 US invasion of Iraq.

Taleb is one Iraqi who knows she has no life back in Baghdad. She used to have a small parcel of land that she sold in order to be able to find a relatively comfortable home in Cairo.

"What do you think made us leave behind our heritage, let our life‘s achievements turn to ashes? We left all this behind our backs because of our children, to give them life," Taleb tells Deustche Presse-Agentur dpa.

"We can‘t find a place in any country, not here or Syria or Jordan. But the alternative is death," she says, noting that more than 125 journalists have been killed so far in the war-scarred country.

"As journalists, we are targets for all the power-strugglers in the country," she says.

But it‘s not only the fear of death that made Iraqi artists, journalists and writers leave their homes, relatives and memories behind. "And it‘s not just fear of death that holds us from returning," Taleb says.

For many independent women like Taleb, it is the notion of being killed "without cause," for example for wearing the wrong clothes or bearing the wrong allegiance.

"It is very likely that a woman in Iraq is killed for such petty reasons. If she works in media, she then becomes a direct target for militants.

"I would hate to die at the hands of a nobody who would just shoot me for the way I dress, for not covering my hair or because I drive a car," adds Taleb, who does not wear the headscarf worn by many Muslim women across Arab states. Women in Iraq are victims of crimes, explosions, sexual assaults, random and targeted shootings, according to Taleb.

"They kidnap women and girls in Iraq. They rape them. They take them hostages for ransom money," says Taleb. "I‘d rather die than see one of my daughters suffer any of these things."

Taleb, like other stranded Iraqi writers, does not have a stable or well-paying job and can barely make ends meet through freelancing and temporary assignments.

"The money is running out. I spent 35,000 dollars in the past year alone," she says. "Many editors-in-chief, writers, senior journalists who I used to know back in Baghdad are here in Egypt. They are all without jobs now.

"And we‘re not young any more. We had high positions in our country. I was a managing editor in my homeland, I would never accept to do small jobs again.

"But how much longer can I struggle?"

© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur

Friday, December 07, 2007

Egyptian workers begin 'indefinite' strike, picket cabinet - dpa

By Pakinam Amer
Dec 5, 2007, 19:29 GMT

Cairo - Protesting round the clock in front of the cabinet's headquarters for the third day in a row, Egyptian tax workers said they had reached a dead end and so had nothing left to lose.

'We could be dismissed from work, we could be imprisoned or beaten up by security police, but we don't care any more,' one of the workers shouted on Wednesday.

The Egyptians - some middle-aged and some elderly - said they would begin a hunger strike Thursday morning if their suffering was further ignored.

'We fear nothing. We just want our rights back,' a protestor cried out.

Metres away stood rows of heavily-armed riot police, while truckloads of standby forces could be seen parked in the vicinity. Security personnel ordered that metal cordons be placed around the throngs of workers, but so far no clashes with police had been reported.

The state employees, who are all members of the property tax department, have been picketing for better wages and working conditions since October when they initially organized a mass strike of around 55,000 tax workers.

This week's picket brought together around 500 employees from both southern and northern provinces.

The protestors, standing by the gates of the cabinet quarters in downtown Cairo, will not collect any taxes until their demands are met.

Suleiman Rashed, from Giza's tax division, said he had been working in the state-run institution for more than 25 years and his salary had only reached 450 Egyptian pounds (81 dollars) a month.

An accountant in the same department, Gamal Hassanein, claimed his net income was 380 pounds (69 dollars). 'A state employee taking only this much? Imagine,' he said.

'Sometimes, they deduct 50 per cent of our efforts benefits because we do not meet the desired tax collection quota,' Rashed told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa.

The tax collectors usually face difficulties during money collection.

'Some people refuse to pay, and we follow them around. But sometimes, we fail to collect. What do we do then? Shoot the citizen (who refuses to pay)?' Rashed shouted at the top of his voice.

'I work in the countryside collecting taxes from farmers, and we face a lot of dangers there too. We are beaten up sometimes, and others are even shot when they pursue the farmers for payment,' a tax collector from Monofiyah province agreed.

On the protest site, it is clear that workers have lost patience with both their union and government.

Calling the finance minister, the labour union head and even members of the cabinet 'liars, scoundrels and thieves,' the protestors said they stood alone: 'Poor, hungry and no better than beggars.'

So far, leaders of the strike say the government has not been responsive to their movement, and demands that they be treated like their colleagues in departments run by the Ministry of Finance have not been met.

According to the workers, a recent move by the government has caused the reassignment of the tax department workers.

The senior and high-ranking tax employees became answerable to the Ministry of Finance, receiving higher incomes and yearly benefits. Others were placed under locality governance. 'These are the ones who do not have enough connections,' claimed one of the workers.

The angry protestors want the discrepancies in wages between employees to be eliminated. The labour union earlier deemed the workers' pleas legitimate but refused to back up their strike.

Hussein Mugawer, head of the labour union, told al-Masri al-Yom newspaper earlier that 'a strike will complicate ongoing negotiations (with the government). The policy of arm-twisting that the workers are following will not work.'

'Mugawer claimed he had talks with the (finance) minister. But we know he didn't. They all ignore us,' Rashed said.

'They have no hearts, no children or wives or parents,' another protestor said, describing how 'inhuman' he believed the authorities were. 'We are spending our days here on the bare pavement and they feel nothing for us. Where is the mercy?'

In some provinces, workers told dpa that state security personnel had given them orders not to strike or join their fellow workers in Cairo. Some had still travelled to the Egyptian capital to join the larger protest despite the ban.

'Once we speak out back at work, they threaten us with dismissal and relocation,' a protestor said.

© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur

Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/business/features/article_1378893.php/Egyptian_workers_begin_indefinite_strike_picket_cabinet

UN climate report carries warning for Arab states - dpa

By Pakinam Amer
Dec 5, 2007, 19:28 GMT

Cairo - Warnings against human-induced climate change resulting from greenhouse gas emissions, scarce and strained water resources, lack of food security and deteriorating human health dominated the United Nation Development Programme's newest report.

Launched in the Egypt-based League of Arab nations during an Arab environment and development ministers meeting, the UNDP's Human Development Report for 2007/2008, labelled Fighting climate change: Human solidarity in a divided world, called for collective and immediate action and warned against pessimism.

'Confronted with a problem as daunting as climate change, resigned pessimism might seem a justified response,' read the report. 'However, resigned pessimism is a luxury that the world's poor and future generations cannot afford - and there is an alternative.'

The first step lies in taking adaptive measures to climate change, unique to each countries' conditions, said the report.

The Arab world, like other regions, contributes to 'deep carbon footprints' with Egypt having some of the highest levels of carbon emissions globally.

Already, the north African country is threatened by climate shocks like floods that lessen longterm opportunities for human development. In Egypt, as in other developing counties of the Arab world, many of the poor depend on natural resources for their livelihood.

However, erosion of the coast of the Nile Delta, pollution, and salinization are affecting agricultural productivity and in turn could lead to possible loss of land.

'The evidence of climate change is there and the change will get worse. You find it in shortage of water in areas that are already short of water, like the Arab areas and Egypt,' said Mohammed al- Ashry, UNDP official and co-author of the report.

Al-Ashry told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that the report sheds light on the percentages of the decrease of water availability in Syria, Lebanon and Egypt, mainly the Nile Delta.

Concerning Egypt, the sea level changes are causing a threat to the northern Nile Delta especially, he said.

'If you have one metre decrease in sea level then you are going to lose more than 4,500 square kilometres of the delta and around six million people will need to be relocated,' al-Ashry told dpa. Agricultural production would also be affected.

The regional report addresses the people, according to the UNDP official, and the poor in Egypt and the Arab world are suffering the most from climate change.

The report concludes that the 'expenditure on social affairs is very low for the Arab world,' said al-Ashry where the most underprivileged are those 'people who are living in work areas and suburbs.'

It's the human development aspects that Egypt and the Arab countries should focus on, from education to health care and nutrition efforts, he said.

The Arab world needs to strengthen social safety net programmes, according to report recommendations. The region is reluctant to make any tangible efforts to change the status quo; leaning instead on claims of gradual efforts, say observers.

'Everyone is talking about a gradual effort to combat climate change with time markers such as 2020, 2030 and 2050, (but) top scientists believe that the climate change will be both sudden and severe,' said al-Ashry.

In November's summit of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), member states, including Arab nations, stressed their commitment to fighting global warming and harmful environmental changes.

However, the UNDP official believes that these counties want to appear more cooperative through giving 750-million-dollar funds which are 'a drop in the bucket with the price of oil as it is,' approaching the 100-dollar-a-barrel mark.

'OPEC, I don't actually believe for a moment that they think about climate change. They are producing climate change,' said al-Ashry.

'Some of them are concerned that reducing gas emissions would mean energy efficiency, alternative energy sources, renewable energy, perhaps even nuclear (energy), and in turn cutting down on use of oil.'

'This is utter nonsense; oil will always be important and will be used. But this is a very defensive approach on their part.'

The solution? 'The combat against climate change has to be part of the economic thinking of the country, preparing strategies for human and economic development putting in mind climate change,' al-Ashry told dpa.

© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur

Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1378891.php/UN_climate_report_carries_warning_for_Arab_states

Families mourn as bodies of illegal migrants return - dpa

By Pakinam Amer, dpa
First Published: 13 November, 2007

Cairo - The first signs of winter chilled Reda Attiya‘s bones as she sat huddled between her sons at the Cairo airport awaiting the casket containing the body of her nephew.

Tarek Abdel-Nabi Attiya was one of 22 illegal would-be immigrants from Egypt who drowned off the shores of Syracuse in Sicily when the boat in which they were being transported capsized last week.

Over 125 people are still missing. Search efforts are still underway, monitored by a special operations unit at the Egyptian embassy in Rome.

The ages of the missing and drowned range from 13 to mid-20s. They had attempted to travel over 1,500 kilometres of water on two fishing vessels, their boats capsized. Eleven are known to have drowned off Syracuse while there have been contradicting reports as to where a second boat sank.

The grieving woman waited eight hours for the plane bringing home the victims to arrive in the early morning hours Monday.

"His voice was choked by tears," she told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa, recounting the frantic last phone call her family received from her 24-year-old nephew.

Attiya was one of more than 100 Egyptians who had turned to a people- trafficking network that smuggles young men who are desperate for work opportunities to Italy.

He and his travel mates were stranded across the Mediterranean aboard a fishing boat where Attiya‘s life was being threatened by "crime cell members," facilitators of the illegal trip, she said.

The middle-aged woman whose face was worn by weeping, told dpa that Attiya had said he had had to pay 30,000 Egyptian pounds (5,400dollars) to facilitators "or else they will slit my throat."

Initially, she said, "we didn‘t know what to do."

"Like mad people, we went to our neighbours and relatives. We borrowed money. We sold land. We sold our livestock - the only source of living we had," said Attiya‘s son, Samir.

Samir, who did not disclose his last name, said his cousin had already paid the facilitators 5,000 Egyptian pounds before leaving for Italy via the port of Alexandria. He was supposed to pay them more money, but only if he found work.

"But they are cheaters. They took the money and gave us a corpse," said Samir.

Attiya‘s family refuse to believe that he merely drowned. They claim he was killed and thrown overboard and have called on the government to investigate the event by questioning the one person who survived the tragedy.

Reda Mohie Mohammed Khattab, a friend of Attiya, is currently being treated at the Italian Red Cross hospital.

"He‘s the only survivor, he knows what happened on this boat. He knows if our son was killed or drowned," said the soft-spoken woman. Khattab reportedly called Attiya‘s family from the hospital with"horror stories" of what happened on the boat.

Whether through Libya or Alexandria, on boat or by air, many poor young Egyptians in their early 20s have considered the idea of fleeing the country to work elsewhere.

Adel, a peasant from Fayyum who lost a family member, said people from his village will continue to "plunge into the unknown," seeping into European lands even if the possibility of death hovers.

"As long as they cannot put food on their tables, young people will risk their lives and money savings," he said. "This tragedy is the responsibility of the government. The people have no choice."

"Most of these youths did their duty towards their country. They served in the army and then went to their doom as their country watched," said Samir.

"It‘s a personal and financial ruin," one relative said.

Attempts at entering Italy illegally are always fraught with danger. Illegal migrants are usually asked to leave the boat off the coast of Italy, and swim the rest of the distance of around 10 kilometres, according to some claims.

And the scenario is not always the same, as some men reach the shore, while others drown or end up being killed in rows on the boats.

© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur

Saturday, October 13, 2007

"King Farouk" turns heads, throws light on Syrian-Egyptian competition in drama - dpa

Middle East Features
First Published: 12 Oct. 2007
By Pakinam Amer

Cairo - Imagine that Sir Anthony Hopkins is disparaged for playing US president Richard Nixon. It might not have happened in the West but in Egypt, dubbed the "Hollywood of the Arab World," a Syrian actor who played the last king of Egypt in a TV soap opera caused a wave of controversy even before shooting started.

Deeming the serial a "conspiracy theory," accusing Syrians of robbing Egyptians' roles and discouraging "mixing" with non-Egyptians in locally-produced drama were only a few reactions. To employ a Syrian in a role that an Egyptian could do is "to cut Egyptian actors' source of income," a prominent actor said.

Hatem Ali, the Syrian director of "al-Malek Farouk" (King Farouk) said he was keen on casting an Egyptian for the title role, without any luck. But when the final choice came down to Tayem Hassan, the 31-year- old Syrian actor who resembled Farouk, he said he had no regrets. "The impressions in the press were very good," Ali told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa.

Indeed, it took Egypt by storm. A popular newspaper even branded it "the soap opera that is currently shaking the throne of Egypt."

The 33-episode drama follows the life of Farouk of Egypt who ruled the country from 1936 until 1952 and was forced to abdicate his throne following a bloodless military coup.

From the first few episodes, it became clear how the series-makers were trying to dust away what they deemed "false perceptions" of a king who was often dismissed in history books as a womanizer, a drunkard, and a corrupt ruler who was partly responsible for the 1948 defeat in the Arab-Israeli war.

Produced by Saudi-owned broadcaster MBC, the show triggered a verbal war even before it was aired. Amr al-Qady, an Egyptian actor who played "Polly," King Farouk's Italian companion, said another actor accused him of "treachery" for working with Syrians.

Some newspaper critics even mocked the Syrian lead actor before they saw him on screen, jokingly calling him "the Syrian who became the King of Egypt." Many doubted he could master an Egyptian accent.

Veteran script writer Osama Anwar Okasha, questioned the series' agenda by accusing it of "promoting monarchy" for the benefit of its producers - an apparent gesture to Saudi royalty.

"But a TV drama - and it doesn't matter if it's American, Saudi or Israeli-produced - is not enough to oust a regime and bring back another," Anis Mansour, a senior Egyptian columnist, fired back.

But then, after all the pre-show controversy, Tayem Hassan delivered a stunning, jaw-dropping performance as the Farouk, with a flawless Egyptian accent and a portrayal with a human touch.

"Tayem Hassan is the King of Egypt now," said series scriptwriter Lamis Gaber, while a Syrian direcotr, Ghassan Abdullah, said that for many Arabs the Syrian actor has become the "true face" of the King. "Farouk himself wouldn't have done a better job," he said.

Added actress Wafaa Amer, who delivered a heart-warming performance of Queen Nazly, the king's mother: "If not Tayem Hassan, then who? The success of the series was staggering, unimaginable."

During the last week of Ramadan, newspapers started advertising for packages that promised a "re-reading of this phase in history" based on the success of the TV series. Al-Masri al-Yom newspaper ran a headline: "King Farouk: The drama series that re-wrote history."

It has already sparked comparisons between the current state of political affairs and that time when Egypt was a kingdom and under British occupation, but apparently still enjoyed a flourish in democracy, said observers.

The corruption of King Farouk's era was recorded in one single "black" book, said Mansour. "But the corruption of the republican era will need to be recorded in volumes as large as the Encyclopedia Britannica."

But apart from criticism, and comparison between historical eras, the series shed light on a sticky issue: competition between Syrian and Egyptian soap operas.

In recent years, Egypt has not been following its usual trajectory in television drama production. Fed dramas with weak plotlines and basking only in the glitter and fame of the lead star, people have been switching the channels for something different.

Then along came the Syrians with dramas rife with history, thought and geopolitical messages, that offered a change from the deluge of clichéd stories flooding the Egyptian TV screens.

In addition, Egyptians’ sojourn into historical drama through the years have not been as successful as their Syrian counterparts, usually for lack of financial resources, manpower or both.

Actress Waafa Amer said that Egyptians could benefit from how much effort is put into a project. "Costumes, make-up, everything is taken seriously. Every single person on set knows his work."
“The scale of production in historical Syrian dramas in general is huge,” said al-Qady, who acted in two Syrian-directed dramas. “They have fresh techniques in directing."

Although some filmmakers and founders of the drama industry in Egypt come from different ethnic backgrounds, some Egyptian filmmakers and actors have become "chauvinistic" when it came to embracing other cultures in art. And many Egyptian screenplay writers and directors felt they had a monopoly over "excellence in drama."

Even as soaps like King Farouk received warm praise, some voices still opposed the Syrian experiment with passion.

But according to the makers of this landmark project, the initiative was neither Syrian, nor Egyptian, nor Saudi but rather a pan-Arab product which also included a Jordanian music score composer and Lebanese make-up artists.

"We hope that this project would succeed in uniting Arabs through art - after failing to unite in politics" said scriptwriter Gaber.
Whether a joint-Arab project like this could signal an upcoming trend in regional arts, it is not clear. But the makers of Farouk could only hope that this will happen. "I have a feeling that this trend will conquer," said director Hatem Ali.

© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur

note: image courtersy of Wafaa Amer

Egyptian workers occupy factory during massive strike - dpa

By Pakinam Amer
First Published: Sep 26, 2007

Cairo - Thousands of Egyptian textile workers have taken over control of one of the state's biggest mills overnight, the workers' leaders said on Wednesday during a massive strike over low wages and overdue benefits.

"My salary is now 600 (Egyptian) pounds after a service of 45 years in this factory," says 59-year-old al-Sayed Habib, a leader of the protestors. Habib and his family have spent the last three days huddled around the Mahala al-Kobra factory of Misr Helwan Spinning and Weaving Company which he considers a second home of sorts.

"I spent my life in this factory and I own nothing except my salary," Habib said, adding that monthly salaries for the textile factory range from 100 to 600 Egyptian pounds (18 to 107 US dollars).

The workers are demanding 150 days' worth of profit sharing in addition to bonuses as promised by the factory administration. They also want a larger share of the company's profit.

The resignation of the head of the Textile Holding Company Mohsen al-Jilany, Misr Helwan chairman Mahmoud al-Gibali, in addition to the dismissal of the workers' syndicate council head is also on top of their demands.

Despite being confined to the facility, the strike of 27,000 Egyptian textile workers in northern Gharbiya province has produced a shockwave among other blue-collar workers and rights advocates and has recieved extensive local media coverage.

The government is afraid that the impact of this strike would spread to other factories, according to independent observers. Government sources told a newspaper earlier that if the state responded to the workers' demands, this could encourage other workers to follow their lead.

The incident revived the memory of a 2006 mass protest where laborers in both major plants and low-paid industries organized massive strikes.

Truckloads of security forces have been cordoning off the site bursting at the seams with protestors, their families and relatives. Establishing a makeshift tent city inside the factory, the workers thronged the facility's yards day and night during the holy month of Ramadan during which Muslims fast and make supplications to God.

In addition to fasting during the day, the male and female workers hold rallies, pray and break their fast every evening on the site and jointly bang on plastic barrels in a kind of a symbolic snub. The drums signal a warning to the authorities, according to Habib. "These drums are for waking people up, they signal danger."

"Officials are deliberately giving us the cold shoulder, but we will take back our right if we continue standing," he said. Behind him, workers chanted: "We will not bow, we will not fear. We cannot afford plain bread."

An opposition member of parliament, Hamdein Sabahi, criticized the attitude of the company's shareholders. "There is a crisis due to the absence of trust. The workers do not believe that their money will be paid as the company promises."

Newspaper reports had said that the holding company head al-Jilany had already given the workers a 40-day payment. But the workers say they received only a 20-day payment, adding that the company refused to negotiate the remaining wages until early November when the company's general assembly meets.

By November, Ramadan and the financially-demanding Muslim feasts would be over, said Habib, a father of three. "Schools have also opened and we have no money."

Workers said that they have neither received reconciliatory bids nor been approached by company negotiators.

According to Sabahi, some workers are seriously considering setting up a self-directed administration as an act of defiance.

Harassment from security police has been reported. On Monday, eight Egyptian textile worker leaders were arrested. They were accused of fomenting protests and causing damage to public property. The authorities claimed that the strike cost the factory a 100-million-pound loss. They were released late Tuesday.

"(The police) also sends its scaremongers into the crowds of workers to frighten them by saying that the security forces waiting at the gates could strike any time," Habib said.

On another note, Sabahi denied that the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood had incited the strike, describing this as "a petty excuse by the government authorities."

"They think squeezing in the Muslim Brotherhood into the problem justifies a crackdown. They want this rights issue to be an extension of the war between them and the Muslim Brotherhood," Sabahi said.

Link: http://www.digitaljournal.com/article/233332/Egyptian_workers_occupy_factory_during_massive_strike

Rumours of love affair spark sectarian clashes in Egypt - dpa

By Pakinam Amer
Sep 24, 2007, 16:47 GMT

Cairo - Accounts of a love story between a young Christian man and a Muslim woman turned sour, prompting rumours, sectarian clashes and arrests in the once cosmopolitan port city of Alexandria.

On Monday, 25 Christians and Muslims answered to charges including disturbing the peace, damaging public property and using sharp objects as weapons.

The angry young men had pelted each other with stones and shards of broken glass, damaging nearby cars and private property in the process.

The brawl ensued late Friday in a poor part of the Sidi Bishr district during prayers that are held in observance of the holy month of Ramadan during which Muslims fast and make supplications to God.

'Throngs of people were attacking each other. A man wearing a face veil was throwing stones at Christians, and women were standing in balconies cheering on the Muslims, shouting 'God is Great',' said a Christian witness. 'They shouted 'Christians are sons of dogs'.'

According to the witness, the Christian groups sought refuge from the stones in entrances to buildings. Six Muslims were injured in the clashes as well as three Christians.

The truth is lost about the real cause of the clashes as both groups hurled accusations at each other and circulated different accounts.

As Muslims alleged that a love story had illicitly developed between 21-year-old Sami Samir and a young woman, Christians rejected the accounts saying that Muslims had attacked them for other reasons.

'The Muslim guys are only jealous because our family has a car and two cafeterias while being Christian,' said a relative of Samir.

The incidence of religiously-motivated violence is escalating in Alexandria, a city that used to be home to Jews, Muslims, and Christians and sheltered many expatriate foreign communities until the late 1950s.

Observers believe that Alexandria is gradually embracing religious radicalism and a form of bigotry alien to its reputation as a tolerant metropolis.

Despite being a summer resort, popular for its long stretches of beaches and sea activities, the attire of women in particular is becoming more and more conservative even on hot summer days.

Men wearing white ankle-length robes and women dressed in black from head to toe except for two slits for the eyes are a common sight.

Mosques and churches have started replacing other societal institutions, offering not only moral direction but also social, legal and political guidance to the faithful.

Whether they blame the so-called Salafi movements, followers of a strict form of Islam akin to Saudi Arabia's austere Wahabism or the popular Muslim Brotherhood, many observers have agreed that the 'overly-conservative religious groups' had a role in changing the face of Alexandria.

An Alexandrian recounted how a sheikh kept intimidating him after discovering that he was a Christian. 'He would ask me why I believed in the Bible. I used to run from him.'

Although a leader of the conservative Muslim Brotherhood himself, Ali Abdel-Fatah believes that religious clerics are using the economic and political turmoil that Egypt is enduring to mobilize Muslims and Christians against each other.

'In Alexandria, Muslims take shelter in mosques. Christians find asylum in their church. This leads to the blunt expression of religious views and so clashes, and confrontations ensue,' said Abdel-Fatah.

'When a love affair turns into a sectarian row, we know we have a big problem,' said Kamal Habib, member of the Supreme Church Council in Alexandria. 'A road accident could easily spur a religious rift these days.'

The recent street riots in Alexandria rekindled memories of violent incidents in 2006 when an extremist, claimed by security authorities to have been mentally deranged, attacked four churches in Alexandria. An elderly Coptic citizen was stabbed to death and five others were injured.

In 2005, on two consecutive Fridays, Muslims attacked St George's Church in Alexandria's Moharam Bek district, incensed by the leaking of a CD containing a play performed inside the church and considered disdainful of the Prophet Mohammed.

'The state cannot punish the church like it punishes religious institutions and so people take matters into their own hands and seek to regain their rights by use of force,' said Abdel-Fatah.

© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.

Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1359190.php/Rumours_of_love_affair_spark_sectarian_clashes_in_Egypt

Iraq oil industry workers protest controversial oil bill - dpa

By Pakinam Amer, dpa
First Published: Tue, 18 Sep 2007 06:06:46 GMT

Cairo - While Iraq's political parties are failing to reach a compromise on the hotly-debated oil and gas draft law, oil workers in oil-rich Basra continue almost daily protests, branding themselves ”the defenders of the country's oil.”

Basra's oil workers' union is uncompromisingly setting itself against the law, approved by Iraq's cabinet but stalled in parliament.

The trade union believes that a deluge of foreign contractors would gradually but eventually lead to the privatization of the oil sector, a notion it vehemently opposes.

A landmark political and economic step, the debated law will decide over the control of the country's existing as well as untapped oil-reserves, which are mainly in the Kurdish-controlled north and the Shiite-dominated south.

In principle, the draft law outlines the procedures and guidelines for oil transactions based on articles 11 and 112 of the constitution. The government had said that it is to be designed in a way that makes Iraqis the prime owners of the country's oil and gas wealth.

In conferences and media outlets, however, the mostly Shiite Basra oil workers and union members claim that the law allows the government to ”sell the country's wealth” for capitalist gains.

Iraq has the third largest oil reserves in the world. However, many of the existing oil fields have not been utilized since the 1970s. The current oil reserves are estimated to be equivalent to 115 billion barrels.

During their demonstrations against the draft law, the protesters in the oil industry and trade unions have been warning the oil ministry of the centralized government in Baghdad against ignoring their calls, while vowing to continue their rowdy protests.

In response, Oil Minister Hussein Shahristani banned unions from giving their say during discussions of the much-anticipated legislation.

By contrast, Ibrahim Bahr al-Oloum, former Iraqi oil minister told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that the oil workers should be allowed to have their say: ”These unions should have a position (regarding the law) and their perspective should be considered. Unions protect oil workers.”

”Discussions should be open,” he said. He added the local media were playing a part in defaming the controversial bill, but he also believed that the government was vague in explaining the law.

”The people have a foggy picture” of what the legislation entitles, he said.

Meanwhile, Washington has been pushing for a speedy approval of the law, prompting many Iraqis, especially those in Iraq's oil-rich regions, to doubt the real motives of the Bush administration.

Many workers believe that the deal described as a ”profit-sharing” agreement by Premier Nuri al-Maliki and his cabinet is in reality intended to exploit Iraq's lucrative energy resources for the sake of US oil drillers and corporations.

According to former Oil Minister Bahr al-Oloum, one of the disputed elements of the law is the section describing the role of the national oil company and its role in the country's energy wealth.

The law had suggested that Iraq's national oil company would be restructured and turned into an independent holding company. This company would then be in charge of implementing national oil policy, according to a publicized draft of the law.

But the law does not guarantee Iraq's supremacy over its reserves since it does not outline a quota reserved to protect this holding company against foreign competitors, Bahr al-Oloum said.

”The national oil company should not be dealt with as a competitor to foreign contractors. The priority in contracts should be given tothe national company. Its share should not go below 51 per cent,” the former minister added.

Foreign companies and US oil giants are already queuing to sign exploration and production deals and to book oil reserves in Iraq.

”All the oil companies have been salivating at the prospect ofIraq for years. There is a good chance of very large discoveries. Nowhere else in the world offers that,” David Horgan, oil expert and managing director of Petret Resources, which has an operation in Iraq, told the UK's Guardian newspaper recently.

Most oil fields are located in the south of Iraq near oil-rich cities like Basra, West al-Qurna, Majnoun, Nahran Omar, Rafideen, Helfaya, Sabba, Lahees and Bazrkan.

Other areas like Kirkuk in the north, eastern Baghdad, al-Ahdab, Nasiriyah, and Artawy are also famous for their oil fields.

In Baghdad, discussions on the draft bill collapsed as Kurds, Sunnis and Shiites became divided on clauses regulating the power balance between the regions and the different Iraqi groups.

Sunnis feared the law would decentralize management of the oil fields. Shiites and Kurds contended for control over them, voicing considerations against annexes placing oil fields under the full control of the national company in Baghdad.

Given the amount of controversy ahead of the bill's parliamentary approval, some observers predict even more arguments to ensue over the execution of the law itself.

Copyright, respective author or news agency
Link: http://www.earthtimes.org/articles/show/109399.html

Tuesday, September 25, 2007

Future of Iraqi government at stake as blocs withdraw -dpa

Middle East Features

By Pakinam Amer
Sep 17, 2007, 15:35 GMT

Cairo - Politicians and observers in Iraq have expressed concern over the withdrawal of major blocs from Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's ruling coalition.

Growing tension between various factions and the shifting political landscape has prompted questions about the future of the precarious government.

Reports on Monday said that some blocs are already negotiationg new alliances in Iraq's Council of Representatives which may be opposed to the government.

The political force loyal to radical cleric Moqtada al-Sadr quit al-Maliki's governing Shiite alliance leaving 30 seats empty, on Sunday, after a boycott lasting months.

The Iraqi Accord Front, the largest Sunni party, has already withdrawn and other Shiite and secular factions have boycotted recent sessions and voted only on legislation.

Both the ruling alliance and President Jalal Talabani's office issued statements Monday urging the Sadrists to reconsider their decision and return to government. The ruling United Iraqi Alliance described the move as shocking.

Some members of the ruling alliance have denied that the government is threatened. Sadr MPs have shown little or no activity for many months, they said.

The Sadrists however claim they were intentionally marginalized. The Sadr camp was not included in discussions on key legislation like the debated oil and gas draft law.

They were also shunned from talks on de-Baathification policies which might lead to the return of loyalists to former dictator Saddam Hussein 'whose hands were not stained with Iraqi blood', according to a-Maliki, to government jobs.

Ruling party moderates nevertheless formed a special council to negotiate with the dissident Sadrists to tackle the core issues of conflict, according to the United Iraqi Alliance.

But the Sadrists insist that their decision is both final and consequential. Asmaa al-Mussawy, a leading member of the Sadr camp, told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that 'there is no going back.'

The leaders of the Sadr bloc have claimed that MPs belonging to al-Maliki's Daawa party might quit the ruling coalition and join the Sadr camp.

The Islamic Daawa party is an Iraqi conservative party, and along with the Supreme Islamic Iraqi council, forms the bulk of the ruling Shiite coalition known as the United Iraqi Alliance.

The alliance has 128 of the Council of Representative's 275 seats of which Daawa occupies 13.

'The Daawa party, the (Sunni) Iraqi Accord Front, the (Shiite) al- Fadila, the National Dialogue Front are all engaged in dialogue with the Sadr for a new political programme that we cannot publicize at the moment,' said al-Mussawy on Monday.

'These are all parties who could very well forge an alliance with the Sadr, but nothing is final yet,' the Sadrist added.

Abdel-Karim al-Anzy, Daawa's chief in Iraq, confirmed talks with Sadrists and a possible withdrawal.

Observers say these alliances, if created, could herald the collapse of al-Maliki's cabinet.

But even lawmakers are divided on whether al-Maliki's cabinet and the ruling coalition would be weakened by the withdrawal of major blocs - mainly Sunnis and the Shiite Sadr camp- as al-Maliki still enjoys a legitimate albeit thin majority in parliament.

Even if new alliances are formed, al-Maliki would still be able to secure the passage of controversial laws, if he guarantees the allegiance of the Kurdistani Alliance with 53 seats in the Council of Representatives, according to local analysts.

Sadrists have so far ruled out the possibility of a no-confidence vote to bring down the government.

But the government has already been dealt a blow, according to observers. Sadr's withdrawal, coupled with the failure of al-Maliki to reconcile with Sunnis and other opposing parties, caused a split in Daawa party ranks.

Daawa's Al-Anzy described the Sadr departure as a 'hard blow' adding to Voices of Iraq news agency's comments that al-Maliki had begun aggravating rifts within his own party when he signed agreements with Shiite and Kurdish bigwigs while disregarding Sadrists and Sunnis.

Despite the hustle and bustle, some politicians refuse to take the moves of the Sadr bloc seriously.

The Shiite camp have a history of repeated threats, withdrawal and return to parliament.

Last year, Sadrists froze their membership in parliament after loud and angry anti-government protests. But they returned as soon as some of their demands had been met.

© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.

Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/printer_1356762.php

Ramadan serials court controversy - Aljazeera English

http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/826BCEE8-1442-46CA-9417-8CAC0270E4B6.htm

By Pakinam Amer in Cairo

This Ramadan, television serials depicting sex, politics and war will be beamed into Arab living rooms, raising the stakes on contentious socio-political issues and risking a backlash.

The themes have, over the years, become more brazen.

In the Egyptian programme A Case of Public Opinion (Kadeyet Ray Aam), Yousra, an Egyptian actor and former sex symbol, plays a prominent university professor who is one of three women violently raped while returning home from work.

She and the women are immediately victimised - not only by the violent act but by a society unwilling, and perhaps unprepared, to hear out their trauma and angst.

But Yousra's character overcomes the shame and shunning associated with rape and persistently pushes the horror of the crime – and subsequently, women's role in a patriarchal community – to the fore.

Abier el-Barbary, a psychologist and member of a local women's rights group, believes Ramadan is an ideal time to raise awareness of issues that are otherwise ignored.

She said: "Yousra is a guaranteed role model for many generations of women. She's not a sex-symbol anymore and her western attire gives a message that she's easier to approach."

"To use her as an icon to spread a direly needed message is a great idea."

Social Trauma

The show begins airing throughout the Middle East on the first day of Ramadan (September 13) but it has already stirred controversy, as Arab satellite talk shows and the press debate whether the depiction and discussion of violent sexual trauma has a place during Ramadan.

Arab media reported that Yousra was injured during filming of the much-anticipated rape scene, and that she had suffered "psychological trauma". The reports left people speculating about the intensity of the scene and whether it will breach any taboos.

But the theme seems designed to go for the jugular. Many Egyptian women have stories, usually branded as "shameful" and "embarrassing", of public harassment and even outright sexual assault in public.

A recent statistical study carried out by the Egyptian Centre for Women's Rights revealed that 40 per cent of women have experienced sexual harassment.

In October 2006, Wael Abbas, a human rights activist, captured video images of throngs of men pulling scarves off veiled women and ganging up on two or three women at a time in downtown Cairo.

One picture even showed a group of girls taking sanctuary in a downtown store, crowds of men waiting at the door as a number of police officers seemed unable to contain the pandemonium.

"It is important that a big star like Yousra adopts such an issue," Wael Abbas told Al Jazeera.

Government agenda?

But some critics have questioned whether there is a government agenda behind A Case of Public Opinion and other shows similar in tone.

In recent years, Arab governments have endorsed the dramatisation of several issues, particularly terrorism, as a means to raise awareness.

After Saudi Arabia endured a rash of terror attacks, notably a November 2003 attack on a compound housing Arabs in Riyadh, the Saudi capital, regional production companies rolled out serials with a distinct anti-extremism message.

Abbas told Al Jazeera: "Sometimes these dramas are done to produce a desired calculated reaction in Arab and foreign circles. Ramadan shows are used as tools."

Noha Maarouf, a Cairo-based social psychologist, agrees, saying that many Arabic dramas propagate the political agendas of local governments.

"Some hot topics are raised in drama to keep people talking. People will be preoccupied discussing Ramadan soap operas for the next six months."

However, she believes Arab governments prefer controversy which could divert attention as cabinets are reshuffled and inflation soars.

"There is usually a sporadic reaction to these dramas and, even if people hate them, they serve as a good distraction," she told Al Jazeera.

"What would the government like more? If people criticise Ramadan television or [if they] criticise their policies and actions?"

Politics, corruption, and war

Nevertheless, Ramadan viewers this year will still get their share of political intrigue, cabinet betrayals, and the topic du jour – inheritance of power.

In the Egyptian-Syrian joint production King Farouk, the producers have promised a new reading of Egypt's monarchy set against post-World War I colonial occupation of Arab countries and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

Abbas believes the choice to produce and air the serial is itself a political gambit.

"Today in Egypt we are passing through a stage where inheritance of power - not unlike the case when Egypt was a kingdom - is a likely scenario," he told Al Jazeera.

Opposition parties have accused Hosni Mubarak, the 79-year-old president of Egypt, of grooming his son, rising politician Gamal Mubarak, to inherit the presidency.

Mohammed Abu-Seif, a director of Arabic serials, says independent production houses are giving Ramadan audiences exactly what they clamour for - contentious political issues and scandal.

"Politics rules the state that we live in now as we have reached a point of frustration where we have nothing but words to offer," he told Al Jazeera.

"It's a [situation] where both the rich and the poor suffer and so politics is present in every drama."

In one such upcoming drama, Nour al-Sherif plays the character of Saad al-Daly, a crooked businessman-cum-cabinet minister who uses his position for personal wealth and latitude.

The drama, titled Al-Daly, unfolds between 1965 and 1997 and traces Egypt's history through a gamut of political events that include the 1967 war and resulting defeat, the 1973 Yom Kippur war, and the assassination of Anwar Sadat, the former Egyptian president.

Syrian TV revisits history

King Farouk and Al-Daly are the latest historical re-dramatisations based on a trend which vaulted Syrian productions into the limelight in recent years.

Since the late 1990s, Syrian serials, acclaimed for their historical themes and finger-in-the-eye satirical comedies, have slowly edged their Egyptian counterparts.

This has created often fierce rivalry as both countries vie for Arab audiences.

And this Ramadan is no different.

The 2006 war between Israel and Lebanon is a common plotline in at least two Syrian soap operas, while another two dramas recount the injustices of the Ottoman rule and the French occupation of Arab states.

Syrian producers are sticking with their formulae - revisiting bloody chapters in Arab history, ones riddled with tales of injustice and occupation.

"If you want to pass on certain information or wittingly avoid censorship, you can always escape to history," says Mona Wasef, a Syrian actor famous for her politically-charged roles.

"Sometimes you hide behind history when you want to present forbidden thought," she told Al Jazeera.

Abu-Seif agrees, adding that historical dramatisations are a serial writer's best tactics to evade censorship and avoid having their material end up on the cutting room floor.

History versus reality

Whether these themes are a subdued reminder of a poignant Arab reality, Saad al-Qassem, the Damascus-based editor of Al-Fonoun (Arts) magazine, is unsure.

"Why do certain historical shows surface at certain times? Well, it could be an undertone of the contemporary state of politics," al-Qassem said.

He believes Arab audiences like to compare between the political status quo and the historical dramas to examine whether history repeats itself after all.

He said: "People in Syria are more attracted now to dramas that speak of past glories. It is not a surprise that under our current political climate people derive collective strength from their history."

Monday, September 10, 2007

NEWS FEATURE: Iraqis divided over results of US troop surge - dpa

Middle East News

By Kazem al-Akabi and Pakinam Amer
Sep 10, 2007, 14:57 GMT

Baghdad/Cairo - Debate over the achievements and shortcomings of the US troop surge plan has left Iraqis divided with many branding the strategy a failure.

US commander in Iraq, General David Petraeus, and Ryan C Crocker, American ambassador to Iraq, were expected Monday to report to Congress about the progress made since US President George W Bush announced his revised Iraq strategy, in which he pledged in January to increase troop numbers by 20,000 soldiers.

The surge took place between February and June. In Baghdad, where a new security plan was enacted hand-in-hand with the increase in the number of troops last February, many Iraqis believed that the increased US presence would save the country from the horrors of civil war.

"The US presence stands as a barrier in the face of armed militias who want to provoke the country into civil war," says Tareq Ibrahim, a Baghdad-based engineer.

Others said that "independence" is the key to control the security situation but added that Iraq was torn between a continued military occupation and the subsequent loss of sovereignty, and a possible disintegration into total chaos if the US was to withdraw its troops.

"We have to depend on ourselves," says 23-year-old Wissam Mohamed."But how could our weaponless forces stand against armed militias?"

In oil-rich Kirkuk, a disputed northern territory shared between Kurds and Turkmen, a gamut of opinions accompanied the idea of possible US troop reduction or even withdrawal.

Abdullah Hamoud al-Rayashy, a local farmer, said that the US surge "did not create a tangible change."

"There's more terrorism, more arrests, kidnappings, deportation. The Bush administration has failed to change the government programme after Iraqi politicians proved their failure," he said.

A shop owner from Kirkuk, Aras Khorshid, told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that the US administration did not solve problems, but described the possibility of withdrawal or a reduction in the US presence as a "disaster for Iraq."

He believes that the Americans are playing a negative role in the arguments over who should control Kirkuk - Kurds or Sunni Arabs and Turkmen.

But a withdrawal could mean more infiltration and shelling at the borders by neighbouring Iran and Turkey, according to Khorshid. Turksand Iranians are wreaking havoc in the autonomous Kurdish region while the government doesn't act, he says.

The armies of both Turkey and Iran have been engaged in a conflict with around 7,000 Kurdish rebels who are entrenched in the mountainous frontier region in northern Iraq.

Villages in northern Iraq have been shelled as militants belonging to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), outlawed in Turkey, and theParty for Freedom and Life in Kurdistan (PJAK) from Iran, are constantly targeted.

"The Americans should exercise pressure (on the Iraqis) to overhaul the army and police sources," said Omar Ouji, a Turkman."Meanwhile, they should slowly and gradually decrease their presence."

Accusations of violence have been levelled at Iraqi police and army forces whose ranks are believed to be infiltrated by members of sectarian militias.

Security elements, which ideally act as a source of protection, bear allegiances to different political factions and are said to have contributed to fomenting violence.

Meanwhile, during the two-day hearing General Petraeus is expected to try and curtail major moves to cut the number of US troops in Iraq in the forthcoming months. Democratic lawmakers in Congress have been pushing for a timetable for the US forces' withdrawal as Bush and his backers continue to warn against premature cuts.

The architect of this year's so-called surge, Petraeus is suggesting that only one brigade, about 4,000 troops, could go back home in December without being replaced but that larger cuts should wait until recommendations on such adjustments are presented in March 2008, according to the New York Times on Monday.

His surge, which only reached full strength during the summer, has reportedly produced some improvements in security in parts of Iraq,especially in and around Baghdad where the US-backed Fard al-Qanoun (Law Enforcement) security plan was put into effect.

However, amid growing debate on the degree of success and failure in Iraq, the Democrats want statistics.

Bush hinted at the possibility of withdrawal during a recent trip to Anbar province.

"When we begin to draw down, it will be from a position of strength and success, not from fear and failure," the US president said.

Egyptian journalist probed over Mubarak health rumours - dpa

Middle East Features

By Pakinam Amer
Sep 5, 2007, 14:42 GMT

Cairo - In a country regularly shaken by political paranoia, Egyptian investigators are probing a popular opposition journalist for allegedly spreading 'dangerous' rumours about the health of President Hosny Mubarak which have gripped the nation in recent weeks.

On Wednesday morning, Ibrahim Eissa, editor-at-large of the opposition daily al-Dostour, was questioned by Egypt's Supreme State Security Prosecution.

Eissa was queried in relation to accusations of 'humiliating the president, broadcasting false stories, disrupting the peace and harming the national interests,' as 20 of his supporters chanted anti-government slogans outside of the prosecutor's office.

If indicted he may face a harsh punishment, according to journalists' union lawyer Sayyed Abu-Zeid, also one of Eissa's attorneys.

Over the past few weeks rumours have abounded about the state of the president's health, with some going as far as to as claim that Egypt's ruling party was clandestinely preparing a replacement for Mubarak as he lay on his death bed.

Only last week was the 'harmful' rumour officially, albeit aggressively, challenged.

Mubarak's wife Susan was the first to frankly dismiss the rumours, describing the president's health as 'really great' in an interview with an Arab broadcaster.

Surprise visits by the apparently well president to factories near Alexandria meanwhile received blanket media coverage.

Government mouthpieces then began levelling blame at a number of independent and opposition figures, pointing accusing fingers at al- Dostour newspaper in what Eissa described as a 'black climate.'

The ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) tagged the rumours 'dangerous,' while the government-run Supreme Counci of Journalists gave the independent Union of Journalists a deadline to 'punish the scaremongers.'

Some top editors even pushed for Eissa's arrest.

Eissa, described by his lawyer as a 'scapegoat,' dismisses the case as purely political.

'(The government) is settling scores with me,' said Eissa, who was sentenced to a year in prison in 2006 for 'insulting the head of the state.' Eissa did not serve the sentence but instead paid a heavy fine. However his scathing criticism of the President, his wife and influential son Gamal Mubarak did not cease.

Al-Dostour last week published several reports about the flurry of rumours.

According to Eissa's lawyer however, the rumours had already spread 'from Aswan (in the south) to Alexandria (in the north)' before Eissa approved publication of these reports.

'Talking about the president should not be an insult,' said Eissa, shortly before his interrogation. Displaying typical cynicism, the journalist said he considers the investigation 'an award for all my works.'

'This is the typical conduct of a police state,' he said.

The rumour had struck a chord. Its timing coincided with NDP internal elections and with rising speculation that Mubarak's son Gamal, currently the party's deputy leader, may replace his father as head.

Observers say the rumoured health scare also comes against a shifting political landscape.

Premier Ahmed Nazif's cabinet is weighed down by an avalanche of criticism, while the NDP is also under pressure from the 88 MPs allied to the Muslim Brotherhood movement, now considered the regime's number one adversary.

Media circles are meanwhile teeming with journalists who are candidly setting themselves against the regime and the Mubarak family.

Some voices have claimed the rumours were part of a psychological warfare campaign by the Muslim Brotherhood. Others blamed the United States.

'The source of the rumour could be anybody,' said Eissa however. '

And the worst is yet to come.'

© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
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Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1352119.php/Egyptian_journalist_probed_over_Mubarak_health_rumours

* image from www.egypttoday.com

Egypt queries new Muslim Brotherhood crackdown - dpa

Middle East Features

By Pakinam Amer
Aug 21, 2007, 12:18 GMT

Cairo - With a fresh crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt's strongest opposition group, Egyptians are wondering if incarceration is enough to bring it to its knees.

The group, which has weathered consecutive blows, said its members were accustomed to being prosecuted. 'When they don't like what I say, they take me away,' says the group's political council head, Essam al-Erian.

Al-Erian, who was imprisoned in 1981, 1995, 2005 and again in 2006, is among 28 group members who were detained in a police swoop targeting its leaders this week.

The Brotherhood is a popular movement that adopts 'Islam is the Solution' as its political motto. Eighty-eight members of Egypt's People's Assembly - the lower-house of parliament - are loyal to the outlawed group.

As its charismatic spokesperson, al-Erian has always been in the spotlight whenever the movement made significant announcements. Recently, al-Erian and some of his colleagues have floated the idea of launching a civil political party based on their publicized 'reform programme.'

They reiterated their emphasis on Islamic principles as the basis for a civil state and a ban on all forms of economic activity that contradict Islamic sharia Law, according to Gamal Essam el-Din, a political analyst.

'No sooner had the programme been released than it came under attack,' said Essam el-Din.

The Muslim Brotherhood's leaders were arrested on charges of 'belonging to a banned group, possession of anti-government publications and holding a meeting where internal issues were exploited to justify attacks against the regime.'

State-owned newspapers predict that the hard blow that left four of the group's leadership behind bars will send a tremor through its ranks.

But observers question if arrests will affect the pragmatic movement, whose members sometimes even meet the crackdowns with humour.

'Recent times have proved that the brotherhood is the only organized force in the political arena that is capable of confronting the ruling regime,' Amr Al-Shobaky, an Egyptian analyst, told the independent newspaper, al-Masri al-Yom.

According to al-Shobaky, every time the government attempts to introduce a modified reform programme, it finds itself head-to-head with the brotherhood - generally seen as receiving the lion's share of the regime's 'harassment.'

The members' finger-in-the-eye and even humourous attitude towards imprisonment does not amuse the regime, say analysts.

'The fact that I land in prison for (defending) an idea gives me peace,' said al-Erian a few weeks before he was re-arrested. 'That's why prison will never break us.'

The group claims that, in total, 600 of its members are currently behind bars.

By confining their most powerful leaders, some analysts claim that the regime is trying to provoke the Muslim brothers into using violence in order to justify its own action.

'But the brothers will not be lured into clashes with the regime, they will pass this time too,' said Magdi Qarqar, the general secretary of Egypt's Labour party.

The movement in lieu of aggression usually resort to a passionate war of words.

Abdel-Hamid al-Ghazali, an advisor to the group's so-called Supreme Guide, Mohammed Mahdi Akef, was quick to call the crackdown a form of 'state-terrorism.'

A young leader of the movement, Ibrahim al-Houdaiby, whose own grandfather once headed the group, wrote: 'The arrest of al-Erian is a clear attempt by the regime to crackdown on the moderate leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood who could push the group towards more moderate stances.

'The question remains: Who does that serve?'

Apparently in defiance of the regime, al-Erian's daughter told al- Dostour newspaper that this time her father and his colleagues refused to answer questions in custody since they 'said enough during previous questioning.'

The daughter also claimed the police broke into their house and seized cuttings of newspaper columns that her father had written as well as personal documents.

Such incidents, when put under the spotlight, quickly become human rights issues, prompting civil right groups to release statements condemning the regime's abuses--another 'score' for the movement.

In Egypt's largely conservative society where forms of religiosity are increasing, group members are some of the few to associate their cause with strict Islamic concepts, giving their struggle a holy touch.

As the government fails to give itself the image of the 'pious' or the 'God-fearing,' people like el-Erian come out and say that imprisonment is a time where the Brotherhood 'nurture their spiritual connection with God.'

© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.

Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1345721.php/Egypt_queries_new_Muslim_Brotherhood_crackdown

*image from www.copticpolitics.org

Wednesday, August 15, 2007

ANALYSIS: Iraqi politicians' summit postponed amid speculation (dpa)

Middle East News

By Ziad Haris and Pakinam Amer
Aug 14, 2007, 15:27 GMT

Baghdad - A 'defining' crisis summit meeting of Iraq's main political factions which was scheduled to begin Tuesday afternoon in Baghdad was postponed amid speculation about the reasons for the move.

The meeting was to be held in an effort to save al-Maliki's coalition from collapsing after Sunni leaders walked out and others boycotted his government.

Disagreement between participants over the meeting's agenda is said to be the reason behind putting off the meeting, said observers. Some political blocs are also said to be awaiting their leaders' decision on whether or not to participate.

Hours before the meeting, members of different political factions voiced their anger, with some claiming that they had been elbowed out of the parley which should ideally be representative of Iraq's political forces. Turkmen leaders said they were not invited and decried what they called 'a conspiracy against Turkmen's interests.'

'Any decision that the meeting reaches will be considered fraud in the eyes of the Turkmen,' said Fawzi Akram Tarzi, a Turkmen policymaker shortly before the set time for the meeting.

Hossam al-Azzawi, a member of the Iraqi National List, which has 25 seats in parliament, said that his bloc was also overlooked.

Meanwhile, five of the nation's leaders - including al-Maliki and President Jalal Talibani - were holding a preparatory session on Tuesday to set an outline for the upcoming conference whose precise date has yet to be set.

The parley was called for last Sunday by al-Maliki, whose cabinet meetings currently have 17 empty seats. Five ministers and Deputy Prime Minister Salam al-Zubaie of the Sunni Iraqi Accord Front announced their withdrawal from government earlier this month.

In April, six ministers of the movement led by the radical Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr resigned in protest at al-Maliki's failure to provide a timetable for the withdrawal of foreign troops.

Others from the Iraqi National List have boycotted the government. These moves have left al-Maliki's cabinet with mainly Shiites and Kurds.

The political standoff and the demands of the various blocs were said to be priorities on the meeting's agena, at least officially. The summit was also expected to take up the issue of political reforms and the establishment of a moderate front.

Observers insist, however, that these are all mere side issues - the main goal of the summit remains to be naming new substitute ministers from al-Maliki's governing coalition instead of those who quit from the Sadr bloc.

Tough negotiations are predicted by many, including al-Maliki himself.

Naming new Sunni ministers to replace the Accord ministers is still a tricky issue, as Sunnis decry discrimination against them.

Ahead of the conference, Adnan al-Duleimi, the head of the Sunni Accord, claimed in statements to the press that Sunnis are experiencing an 'annihilation campaign' of sorts that aims at giving pro-Iranian Muslims a tight grip on Baghdad.

In Tuesday statements to Arab broadcaster al-Jazeera, al-Duleimi reiterated some of his claims saying that the government was 'ignoring' the demands of the Sunni representatives.

However, according to the BBC, Selim Gabouri, spokesman for the Accord, said that his bloc had no objection to participating in the meeting, in principle.

But the party has no plans to return to the unity government under the current conditions, Gabouri added. It is not clear yet whether the meeting will feature Sunni participation or not.

Still, it is expected by many observers that the outcome of the meeting would be 'defining.' In a statement to Deutsche Presse- Agentur dpa, Selim Abdullah, a member of the Accord, described the parley as 'decisive for all political blocs.'

Regarding the Sunni issue, al-Maliki seemed to have been treading cautiously so far. He did not promise that Sunni ministers would be immediately substituted. Instead, he said that he hoped that the crisis will end and the Accord ministers be back to the cabinet.

'But if they refused to do so we will find ourselves obliged to replace them,' he was quoted by the Voices of Iraq news agency as saying, arguably placing the ball in their court.

He dismissed speculation that his government could fall apart. 'It is a wish by some but it is far the day when people would see the government in its countdown.'

On the streets of Baghdad, amongst some Iraqis there was anger at their leaders. Tamim Nasry, a 27-year-old man, said that the Iraqis have given their political leaders many chances, but 'they failed every time.'

'The problem with Iraq is the problem of its leaders. They plant terror and fear in the country because of their failure to manage the affairs of the nation.

'We expect what will happen. The leaders will appear at a press conference(after the meeting has taken place) to announce the problems of Iraq solved; (they will say) all is well, peace and security are near. But the reality is that all will remain as it is. We have been used to this for years now,' added Nasry.

© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.

Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1342945.php/ANALYSIS_Iraqi_politicians_summit_postponed_amid_speculation