Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Jun 10, 2007, 18:09 GMT
Aswan, Egypt - Taking shelter from the blistering Aswan heat, community leaders of the so-called New Nubia huddle under the shade of a tree and recount how they were forced to leave their villages on the banks of the Nile.
'The day we left resembled doomsday,' says Nour el-Din Hassan as he sits garbed in a white gown - a definitive mark of Nubian culture - sipping a cold Hibiscus drink.
Hassan is a businessman in his late fifties, who has witnessed the 43-year-old relocation. Aswan is the site of the 3.6-kilometre High Dam, the construction of which caused the inundation of 44 Nubian villages where Hassan, his family members and members of his tribe grew up.
'I remember the date very well when we were made to leave,' says Hassan. 'It was a stormy day; dust filled the air, winds blew.'
Hassan remains nostalgic until this very day. He says they were never sufficiently compensated for their 'paradise lost,' and this makes him and his people feel 'abandoned by central authorities.'
Preparations for the Shura Council elections seem to have opened some old wounds.
As the midterm elections approach, Nubians based in and around Aswan hope representatives of the central authority in Aswam will be more receptive to their demands: new homes, new land and a more equal share in the political power game.
The Shura Council is the upper house of Egypt's parliament and its duties are limited to ratifying constitutional amendments, treaties and bill proposals. It is strictly consultative on other matters and has arguably little influence on politics.
Nevertheless, membership in the Shura council is sought for prestige, parliamentary immunity and the powers that such a post gives its holder on the local level.
It is not surprising that the people of Aswan choose to huddle around their candidates - usually tribal and community leaders - who are supposed to act as their ambassadors and provide services.
The Nubians of Nasr al-Nuba, a town 85 kilometres away from the Old Nuba from which they were uprooted, said that they were denied the privilege of serving their people through the Shura Council.
According to their elders, the 'real Nubians,' as they choose to call themselves, are usually ignored and given false promises by Aswan's local administration.
Despite being given new homes in Nasr al-Nuba after their displacement, Nubians complain that the small one-storey houses are nothing like their old mansions surrounded by acres of cultivated land.
'It was a paradise where we lived,' says Hassan, supported by the nods of his tribesman, who are leaders in their own right.
Ismail Ahmed Gamal, the mayor of Nasr al-Nuba, pointed to the bare hills in the distance telling a reporter how they were uprooted from the banks of the Nile and 'thrown into this blazing desert land.'
Around Lake Nasser, which now covers old Nubia, are sites of construction projects, which include the Toshka (the New Valley Project) with irrigation canals to carry water from Lake Nasser into Egypt's western desert. Some of the Nubian families who were not compensated more than 40 years ago were promised lodgings around the banks of the lake.
According to them, 5,000 families have not been given homes yet. In addition, the Nubians see the new haven, the environment of which resembles their old 'paradise lost.'
'It's only fair that inhabitants who originally belong to this land be returned back,' adds Gamal referring to the area around Lake Nasser.
'We have been promised this by the president of Egypt,' the mayor of Nasr al-Nuba said. But the governor, they claimed, refuses to relocate them to the place they call 'home' despite the president's promise.
They say they have no representatives in Monday's Shura Council elections. 'We need one of us, someone who has seen it all and suffered as we did to defend our rights,' adds the mayor who is also a member of the left-leaning Tagammu opposition party.
The lack of representation of Nubians is what reportedly lead Abdel-Karim Karar, a leading member of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) in the Komb Ombo district of Aswan, to quit the party.
Nasr al-Nuba has 60,000 registered voters and according to Karar, the NDP should have fielded a candidate representing this community, but it refused to.
He adds that the Nubians called on the governor to identify Nasr al-Nuba as a separate constituency, but this demand has also been refused.
'Logic says that grand tribes and ethnicities are what should be represented. The Nubians are only 10 per cent (of the population),' said Aswan's governor Samir Youssef.
The governor shrugged off the Nubian troubles as 'the work of minor elements' entrenched among the Nubian communities - people that are financed by Western countries which aim at destabilizing Egypt's societies, he said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1315844.php/Nubians_decry_discrimination_on_eve_of_elections
Thursday, June 21, 2007
Kinship and ethnicity influence voters' in upper Egypt (dpa)
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Jun 9, 2007, 21:26 GMT
Aswan, Egypt - When asked which candidate he supported, a young voter from Aswan named Mohammed Atta smiled, then simply said: 'I can't say. It's too embarrassing.'
Atta's manner embodies the general mood in Aswan ahead of Monday's Shura council midterm elections. There, several candidates of the same party are also tribal leaders tribes in the society with a population of around 1.1 million, according to municipal statistics.
Atta later told a reporter that all his acquaintances knew that he would vote for his tribe, but he does not like making his choice known.
An Aswan-based senior member of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) said people are both 'confused and uncomfortable' with the idea of more than one candidate running for the same seat.
'They're dividing the voters,' added the high-profile member who spoke on condition of anonymity.
Aswan lies on the east bank of the Nile and is both a strong industrial city and a tourist attraction. It harbours the 3.6- kilometre High Dam, Egypt's key power generator and Lake Nasser, reputed to be the world's largest artificial lake.
Aswan's busy NDP headquarters has posters of six candidates from the same party who are running for the Cairo-based consultative body with 264 seats. According to the NDP's general secretary in Aswan, Khalaf Youssef Saed, the party has fielded 'its strongest candidates' for this election.
He insisted that party followers were happy with what he termed 'a new experiment' and dismissed allegations of confusion among voters saying people confused themselves by voting for a distant relative rather than for the best candidate.
The famous tribes and ethnicities of Aswan, near the Sudanese border, include the Jaafara tribe, who claim to be descended from Jaafar al-Sadek and trace their heritage back to Imam Hussein, the grandson of Prophet Mohammed, founder of Islam.
Another tribe called the Ansar claim they are descendants of the People of the Medina among whom Prophet Mohammed found solace after he was driven out of Mecca hundreds of years ago. Abbadis and Abbasids are two of the large tribes represented in these elections.
According to voters, supporting kin is a must even if their 'relative is a mere farmer and his contestant is a scientist,' in the words of a registered voter.
The elections could yet turn nasty. According to Diyab Abudllah, a candidate calling himself Hajj, flyers circulated in the city are spreading rumours about him.
'I hate prejudice and intolerance. And for me the whole thing is not unlike a football match. Nevertheless, some other candidates chose to play the game differently and spread rumours about me,' said Abdullah.
He expressed concern about multiple-candidacies. The NDP does not support their candidates now because they cannot back one and not the other.
'People are perplexed,' he added. 'There is a lot of ignorance. So in the end, people may decide to vote for both NDP contestants thinking that they're supporting the party this way without knowing that the candidates are actually rivals.'
'It is the absolute democracy,' said Aswan's governor Samir Youssef in reference to NDP's decision to field more than one candidate.
'There is more than one star in the constituencies and everyone of these feels he deserves to run for candidacy. The NDP is giving them all their chances.'
Aswan has two main constituencies. One of them encompasses the upper-Egyptian city of Aswan and the northern township of Daraw where 11 candidates including two from NDP, are contesting two seats.
In the second constituency, 19 candidates have registered their candidates from the northern towns of Edfo and Komb Ombo - which are both under the governance of the Aswan province.
The NDP had fielded four candidates for two seats in the second constituency. Despite NDP members' concerns that the votes will be divided owing to multiple candidacies from the ruling party, others insist that the NDP have no 'big competitors.'
Many independent candidates were affiliated with NDP, but left when the party did not enlist them for the Shura elections. According to NDP leaders, these independents could be won back if they score a victory in the elections.
But Egypt's foremost opposition the Muslim Brotherhood - a banned but popular religious group - is not strong in Aswan. They are not fielding a candidate in upper Egypt, an announcement said.
More than 34 million registered voters are expected to cast their votes in the Shura elections, which begin on Monday. The candidates are competing for 88 seats in 57 constituencies across 24 Egyptian provinces - 11 seats have already been granted to candidates running alone in their constituencies.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1315619.php/Kinship_and_ethnicity_influence_voters_in_upper_Egypt
By Pakinam Amer
Jun 9, 2007, 21:26 GMT
Aswan, Egypt - When asked which candidate he supported, a young voter from Aswan named Mohammed Atta smiled, then simply said: 'I can't say. It's too embarrassing.'
Atta's manner embodies the general mood in Aswan ahead of Monday's Shura council midterm elections. There, several candidates of the same party are also tribal leaders tribes in the society with a population of around 1.1 million, according to municipal statistics.
Atta later told a reporter that all his acquaintances knew that he would vote for his tribe, but he does not like making his choice known.
An Aswan-based senior member of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) said people are both 'confused and uncomfortable' with the idea of more than one candidate running for the same seat.
'They're dividing the voters,' added the high-profile member who spoke on condition of anonymity.
Aswan lies on the east bank of the Nile and is both a strong industrial city and a tourist attraction. It harbours the 3.6- kilometre High Dam, Egypt's key power generator and Lake Nasser, reputed to be the world's largest artificial lake.
Aswan's busy NDP headquarters has posters of six candidates from the same party who are running for the Cairo-based consultative body with 264 seats. According to the NDP's general secretary in Aswan, Khalaf Youssef Saed, the party has fielded 'its strongest candidates' for this election.
He insisted that party followers were happy with what he termed 'a new experiment' and dismissed allegations of confusion among voters saying people confused themselves by voting for a distant relative rather than for the best candidate.
The famous tribes and ethnicities of Aswan, near the Sudanese border, include the Jaafara tribe, who claim to be descended from Jaafar al-Sadek and trace their heritage back to Imam Hussein, the grandson of Prophet Mohammed, founder of Islam.
Another tribe called the Ansar claim they are descendants of the People of the Medina among whom Prophet Mohammed found solace after he was driven out of Mecca hundreds of years ago. Abbadis and Abbasids are two of the large tribes represented in these elections.
According to voters, supporting kin is a must even if their 'relative is a mere farmer and his contestant is a scientist,' in the words of a registered voter.
The elections could yet turn nasty. According to Diyab Abudllah, a candidate calling himself Hajj, flyers circulated in the city are spreading rumours about him.
'I hate prejudice and intolerance. And for me the whole thing is not unlike a football match. Nevertheless, some other candidates chose to play the game differently and spread rumours about me,' said Abdullah.
He expressed concern about multiple-candidacies. The NDP does not support their candidates now because they cannot back one and not the other.
'People are perplexed,' he added. 'There is a lot of ignorance. So in the end, people may decide to vote for both NDP contestants thinking that they're supporting the party this way without knowing that the candidates are actually rivals.'
'It is the absolute democracy,' said Aswan's governor Samir Youssef in reference to NDP's decision to field more than one candidate.
'There is more than one star in the constituencies and everyone of these feels he deserves to run for candidacy. The NDP is giving them all their chances.'
Aswan has two main constituencies. One of them encompasses the upper-Egyptian city of Aswan and the northern township of Daraw where 11 candidates including two from NDP, are contesting two seats.
In the second constituency, 19 candidates have registered their candidates from the northern towns of Edfo and Komb Ombo - which are both under the governance of the Aswan province.
The NDP had fielded four candidates for two seats in the second constituency. Despite NDP members' concerns that the votes will be divided owing to multiple candidacies from the ruling party, others insist that the NDP have no 'big competitors.'
Many independent candidates were affiliated with NDP, but left when the party did not enlist them for the Shura elections. According to NDP leaders, these independents could be won back if they score a victory in the elections.
But Egypt's foremost opposition the Muslim Brotherhood - a banned but popular religious group - is not strong in Aswan. They are not fielding a candidate in upper Egypt, an announcement said.
More than 34 million registered voters are expected to cast their votes in the Shura elections, which begin on Monday. The candidates are competing for 88 seats in 57 constituencies across 24 Egyptian provinces - 11 seats have already been granted to candidates running alone in their constituencies.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1315619.php/Kinship_and_ethnicity_influence_voters_in_upper_Egypt
Saturday, May 26, 2007
NEWS FEATURE: US, Iran exchange accusations ahead of meeting
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
May 20, 2007, 17:00 GMT
Dead Sea, Jordan - Accusations flew between officials from the United States and Iran on Sunday as US officials reiterated their claim that Tehran is destabilizing Iraq by funding the insurgency there and providing weapons for extremists.
The exchange took place during discussion at a meeting of the Jordan-based World Economic Forum (WEF) being held on the shores of the Dead Sea resort and comes ahead of a planned US-Iran meeting in Baghdad on May 28.
'We have evidence that Iran is participating in destabilizing Iraq,' US Senator Orrin G Hatch said. However, his claims were vehemently denied by the leadership of Iran during a discussion at the forum gathering.
Hatch asked Iran for 'some indication of respect, some indication of willingness' to abide by the rule to law.
Mohammed Larijani, Iranian deputy minister of foreign affairs, said it is in Iran's national interest to have a unified, peaceful Iraq.
But he also noted that Iran had not been getting any signs of respect from the US ahead of the Baghdad meeting. '(Senator Hatch) talks about respect. We have been labelled as part of the axis of evil. And we are threatened every other day that (our) government should be changed,' he said.
'They say our meeting should be only at ambassadorial level. Are these good signs of respect? Definitely not,' Larijani said.
Concerning the raging violence in Iraq, Larijani said Bush should not have expected a 'red carpet' to be rolled out when the US invaded Iraq in 2003. 'Nobody likes occupation.'
Larijani said the upcoming meeting - even with Iran's cooperation - 'will not solve all the problems in the world' but 'it will open a path.'
A day earlier, Iran's foreign minister also levelled blame at the US, saying that it did many wrong things in Iraq, and that in the next meeting Iran would show the US where it went wrong and how to correct the wrongs.
They also expected an 'offer of withdrawal' of US troops from Iraq.
Senator Hatch said on Sunday that the US government realized that errors were made during the war on Iraq.
'There's no question that we made mistakes in the war, but the intention was good.' He added that the US needs to do more and so does Iran which should 'start running their own affairs' instead of running Iraq's.
'We don't enjoy having our men and women killed. We don't enjoy terror,' said the senator, who was joined by US Senator Gordon H Smith in confirming that US troops would not leave Iraq until Iraqi forces are capable of handling the security situation.
'We will not leave a vacuum that they can fill,' said Smith, adding that there is 'no question from the evidence' that Iranians and Syrians are meddling in Iraqi affairs and settling disputes on the territory of Iraq.
Iraqi officials at the session which brought Iranian, Iraqi and US figures together joined the rhetoric, saying that foreign powers not only engage in sectarian conflicts, but also encourage the Iraqis to take sides - sometimes through direct financing.
On the sidelines, Iraqi Vice President Tariq al-Hashimi said that if US troops withdrew, they would 'leave a security vacuum and so (the country) could slide into chaos.'
Multinational forces in Iraq have lately been reporting more and more findings of Iranian-marked bombs and weapons - some of which earlier official reports traced back to Quds, a group affiliated with right-wing members of the Iranian government.
Iran, however, continues to deny this. Larijani told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that for a country that 'has more than 150,000 troops allowed, bombarding houses and people everyday, it's shameful to accuse us of infiltrating arms to Iraq.'
The Iranian-marked weapons, he said, could be passing through the border from any of Iraq's neighbours: 'We're selling arms to other countries, officially. They could be smuggled into Iraq illegally, so could American weapons and German weapons.'
During the session, Larijani told US and Iraqi officials that militants in Iraq 'don't need arms from Iran. Iraq is full of arms, the borders are open. They could come from anywhere.'
Meanwhile, al-Hashimi told dpa that the Iraqi government "hasn't seen the Iranian weapons, but I do believe that there is a concrete report on that.”
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1306906.php/US_Iran_exchange_accusations_ahead_of_meeting
By Pakinam Amer
May 20, 2007, 17:00 GMT
Dead Sea, Jordan - Accusations flew between officials from the United States and Iran on Sunday as US officials reiterated their claim that Tehran is destabilizing Iraq by funding the insurgency there and providing weapons for extremists.
The exchange took place during discussion at a meeting of the Jordan-based World Economic Forum (WEF) being held on the shores of the Dead Sea resort and comes ahead of a planned US-Iran meeting in Baghdad on May 28.
'We have evidence that Iran is participating in destabilizing Iraq,' US Senator Orrin G Hatch said. However, his claims were vehemently denied by the leadership of Iran during a discussion at the forum gathering.
Hatch asked Iran for 'some indication of respect, some indication of willingness' to abide by the rule to law.
Mohammed Larijani, Iranian deputy minister of foreign affairs, said it is in Iran's national interest to have a unified, peaceful Iraq.
But he also noted that Iran had not been getting any signs of respect from the US ahead of the Baghdad meeting. '(Senator Hatch) talks about respect. We have been labelled as part of the axis of evil. And we are threatened every other day that (our) government should be changed,' he said.
'They say our meeting should be only at ambassadorial level. Are these good signs of respect? Definitely not,' Larijani said.
Concerning the raging violence in Iraq, Larijani said Bush should not have expected a 'red carpet' to be rolled out when the US invaded Iraq in 2003. 'Nobody likes occupation.'
Larijani said the upcoming meeting - even with Iran's cooperation - 'will not solve all the problems in the world' but 'it will open a path.'
A day earlier, Iran's foreign minister also levelled blame at the US, saying that it did many wrong things in Iraq, and that in the next meeting Iran would show the US where it went wrong and how to correct the wrongs.
They also expected an 'offer of withdrawal' of US troops from Iraq.
Senator Hatch said on Sunday that the US government realized that errors were made during the war on Iraq.
'There's no question that we made mistakes in the war, but the intention was good.' He added that the US needs to do more and so does Iran which should 'start running their own affairs' instead of running Iraq's.
'We don't enjoy having our men and women killed. We don't enjoy terror,' said the senator, who was joined by US Senator Gordon H Smith in confirming that US troops would not leave Iraq until Iraqi forces are capable of handling the security situation.
'We will not leave a vacuum that they can fill,' said Smith, adding that there is 'no question from the evidence' that Iranians and Syrians are meddling in Iraqi affairs and settling disputes on the territory of Iraq.
Iraqi officials at the session which brought Iranian, Iraqi and US figures together joined the rhetoric, saying that foreign powers not only engage in sectarian conflicts, but also encourage the Iraqis to take sides - sometimes through direct financing.
On the sidelines, Iraqi Vice President Tariq al-Hashimi said that if US troops withdrew, they would 'leave a security vacuum and so (the country) could slide into chaos.'
Multinational forces in Iraq have lately been reporting more and more findings of Iranian-marked bombs and weapons - some of which earlier official reports traced back to Quds, a group affiliated with right-wing members of the Iranian government.
Iran, however, continues to deny this. Larijani told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that for a country that 'has more than 150,000 troops allowed, bombarding houses and people everyday, it's shameful to accuse us of infiltrating arms to Iraq.'
The Iranian-marked weapons, he said, could be passing through the border from any of Iraq's neighbours: 'We're selling arms to other countries, officially. They could be smuggled into Iraq illegally, so could American weapons and German weapons.'
During the session, Larijani told US and Iraqi officials that militants in Iraq 'don't need arms from Iran. Iraq is full of arms, the borders are open. They could come from anywhere.'
Meanwhile, al-Hashimi told dpa that the Iraqi government "hasn't seen the Iranian weapons, but I do believe that there is a concrete report on that.”
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1306906.php/US_Iran_exchange_accusations_ahead_of_meeting
DPA: Arabs want Israel to accept Saudi backed peace plan
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
May 20, 2007, 16:59 GMT
Dead Sea, Jordan - Palestinian and Arab leaders, during a heated discussion on Sunday, called on Israel to accept the Saudi-backed Arab peace initiative and to offer Palestinians a sovereign state if they want to secure their lands.
They also charged that the Israeli occupation 'breeds violence' during discussion at a gathering of the World Economic Forum (WEF) at the Dead Sea resort.
'Security is provided to you by peace,' top Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat said.
Addressing Israelis, he said: 'Tell the Arabs 'we accept the (Arab peace) initiative and we'll talk with you.' That's how history is made.'
The reactivated five-year-old Arab initiative promises full normalization with Israel and Arab recognition of the Jewish state in return for a full Israeli pullout from the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, establishing East Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital.
The proposal also includes terms that would guarantee the right of return to thousands of Palestinian refugees stranded in poor conditions across hosting Arab countries, mainly Jordan and Lebanon.
But the highlight of the proposal is the end of occupation and establishment of a Palestinian state, which Erekat heavily addressed during the session.
'You are destroying us; you are destroying our social fabric,' he said. 'Get rid of the occupation if you don't want to see al-Qaeda and extremism.'
Israel did not say if they accepted the proposal, and Arab leaders had earlier expressed doubt that the Jewish state would easily get on board but nevertheless kept calling for their cooperation.
On Sunday Israeli's Vice Prime Minister Shimon Peres told reporters at the WEF that Israel was 'ready to make a counter- proposal.'
'We are ready to sit down with whomever you want - the Saudis, the Arab League - and we shall try to air out the differences between us,' Peres said. 'You (Arabs) can't come to the negotiations table with a pistol in your hands,' he added.
However, Arab League Chief Amr Moussa, who was also in attendance, said they had offered a hand to Israel but 'we have received no counter-offer, just gestures.'
Erekat also said that Israel allowed no compromises to their policy, and asked Israel, as a token of good will, to lift the economic blockade on the Palestinian territories - a siege of sorts that Israel and International community imposed when militant Hamas came to power with a sweeping victory in Palestinian elections.
'Lift the siege, Palestinians are suffering enough,' Erekat told Peres in a firm tone. 'It's enough, the consequences of the war, and it's enough that we don't control our own water. You're not punishing political parties, you're punishing my wife, my child, my neighbour, all Palestinians.'
Although the session was not supposed to be a place for pointing fingers, observers said, Peres and Erekat's heated discussion almost turned into a row.
On one hand, Peres insisted that the security of Israel should be guaranteed, then the negotiations will follow. On the other hand, Erekat said 'Israel can think they can get security through more violence and settlements, we have seen this movie before. Violence breeds violence.'
The argument continued with Peres saying that Israel's problem was with Hamas.
'We opened the border, Hamas smuggled arms,' he said. 'Security is number one for us, we cannot permit people to be killed.'
But, retorted Moussa: 'The problem is not Hamas or Iran but the military occupation of the occupied territories.'
'You're not going to ask Palestinians to sit tight while Israelis do what they want to do. And Israel does what it wants to do, using violence as well,' he added.
Moussa joined Erekat in blaming the occupation, defending Hamas and deeming it an elected body and member of a national unity government, 'not a terrorist organization.'
During the sessions, Peres stood up, excused himself from the discussion and left the podium.
Reporters and the audience were surprised but the facilitator of the discussions claimed that this was by agreement, as 'Mr Peres had an appointment' to honour.
Moussa had also told Peres that Israel did not recognize the Palestinian state in documents and that they needed this recognition in writing.
'The record of Israel on abiding to agreements is a (disappointing) record,' Moussa said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1306905.php/Arabs_want_Israel_to_accept_Saudi_backed_peace_plan
By Pakinam Amer
May 20, 2007, 16:59 GMT
Dead Sea, Jordan - Palestinian and Arab leaders, during a heated discussion on Sunday, called on Israel to accept the Saudi-backed Arab peace initiative and to offer Palestinians a sovereign state if they want to secure their lands.
They also charged that the Israeli occupation 'breeds violence' during discussion at a gathering of the World Economic Forum (WEF) at the Dead Sea resort.
'Security is provided to you by peace,' top Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat said.
Addressing Israelis, he said: 'Tell the Arabs 'we accept the (Arab peace) initiative and we'll talk with you.' That's how history is made.'
The reactivated five-year-old Arab initiative promises full normalization with Israel and Arab recognition of the Jewish state in return for a full Israeli pullout from the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, establishing East Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital.
The proposal also includes terms that would guarantee the right of return to thousands of Palestinian refugees stranded in poor conditions across hosting Arab countries, mainly Jordan and Lebanon.
But the highlight of the proposal is the end of occupation and establishment of a Palestinian state, which Erekat heavily addressed during the session.
'You are destroying us; you are destroying our social fabric,' he said. 'Get rid of the occupation if you don't want to see al-Qaeda and extremism.'
Israel did not say if they accepted the proposal, and Arab leaders had earlier expressed doubt that the Jewish state would easily get on board but nevertheless kept calling for their cooperation.
On Sunday Israeli's Vice Prime Minister Shimon Peres told reporters at the WEF that Israel was 'ready to make a counter- proposal.'
'We are ready to sit down with whomever you want - the Saudis, the Arab League - and we shall try to air out the differences between us,' Peres said. 'You (Arabs) can't come to the negotiations table with a pistol in your hands,' he added.
However, Arab League Chief Amr Moussa, who was also in attendance, said they had offered a hand to Israel but 'we have received no counter-offer, just gestures.'
Erekat also said that Israel allowed no compromises to their policy, and asked Israel, as a token of good will, to lift the economic blockade on the Palestinian territories - a siege of sorts that Israel and International community imposed when militant Hamas came to power with a sweeping victory in Palestinian elections.
'Lift the siege, Palestinians are suffering enough,' Erekat told Peres in a firm tone. 'It's enough, the consequences of the war, and it's enough that we don't control our own water. You're not punishing political parties, you're punishing my wife, my child, my neighbour, all Palestinians.'
Although the session was not supposed to be a place for pointing fingers, observers said, Peres and Erekat's heated discussion almost turned into a row.
On one hand, Peres insisted that the security of Israel should be guaranteed, then the negotiations will follow. On the other hand, Erekat said 'Israel can think they can get security through more violence and settlements, we have seen this movie before. Violence breeds violence.'
The argument continued with Peres saying that Israel's problem was with Hamas.
'We opened the border, Hamas smuggled arms,' he said. 'Security is number one for us, we cannot permit people to be killed.'
But, retorted Moussa: 'The problem is not Hamas or Iran but the military occupation of the occupied territories.'
'You're not going to ask Palestinians to sit tight while Israelis do what they want to do. And Israel does what it wants to do, using violence as well,' he added.
Moussa joined Erekat in blaming the occupation, defending Hamas and deeming it an elected body and member of a national unity government, 'not a terrorist organization.'
During the sessions, Peres stood up, excused himself from the discussion and left the podium.
Reporters and the audience were surprised but the facilitator of the discussions claimed that this was by agreement, as 'Mr Peres had an appointment' to honour.
Moussa had also told Peres that Israel did not recognize the Palestinian state in documents and that they needed this recognition in writing.
'The record of Israel on abiding to agreements is a (disappointing) record,' Moussa said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1306905.php/Arabs_want_Israel_to_accept_Saudi_backed_peace_plan
ANALYSIS: Iran, Saudi vie for regional dominance
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
May 19, 2007, 18:31 GMT
Dead Sea, Jordan - Saudi Arabia's hopes of achieving dominance on the regional political arena, and establishing its presence as both a broker and a peace negotiator, seems to be challenged by another power - Iran, which shares its borders.
Saudi Arabia, now a key regional player, has been gradually increasing its involvement in addressing the concerns, issues and conflicts threatening Middle East stability at a time when Egypt's role is taking a nosedive.
In Mecca, the Saudis brought together Palestinian factions, and in last March's Arab League summit the Islamic kingdom figuratively extended a hand to Lebanon, facing one of the worst standoffs in its modern history, and Iraq, ripped apart by confessional and sectarian differences.
On Saturday, however, Iran's attempts to be in itself a power broker in the Arab region were confirmed - showing to Saudi Arabia how serious it is in pursuing its interests in the Arab world.
During the Jordan-based World Economic Forum, Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki underplayed the importance of a Saudi- backed four-year-old Arab-Israeli peace initiative, vehemently insisting that it is bound to fail.
'Despite of the good (intentions) of some countries and some parties to protect the right of Palestinians, we do believe that either due to the plans or due to the other side's approach, all of those plans will fail,' said Mottaki. 'If we talk based on realities, I do not see any chance.'
The remarks, paradoxically, came during a plenary session entitled 'Stability in the Broader Middle East: Who's taking the Lead?'
The session brought together the leaders of Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Jordan, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia who discussed the key players in the region, cooperation between neighbours and an ambitious inclusion strategy that the Arab neighbours wish to employ.
The 2002 Arab initiative, which Mottaki addressed and which the session's participants focused on, promises full normalization with Israel and Arab recognition of the Jewish state in return for a full Israeli pullout from the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem, and a withdrawal from the Golan Heights in Syria and some territories in southern Lebanon.
The proposal also includes terms that would guarantee the right of return to thousands of Palestinian refugees stranded in poor conditions across hosting Arab countries.
But at its core, the initiative accepts a two-state solution, which Iran is adamant in rejecting outright.
It's also Saudi-backed, and is aggressively promoted by the Islamic monarchy and enjoys the blessing of Arab states such as Egypt and Jordan.
Instead of joining powers, Mottaki said that Iran has a better proposal - a 'democratic free and fair referendum' where, in his words, original Muslim, Christian and Jewish Palestinians would vote and choose their regime.
In an evening session entitled 'Iran and the region,' he confirmed his stance saying that in principal he is not against an Arab initiative, but believed that this one will not work.
'Five million refugees will not be accepted by the Israeli regime,' he insisted.
He said his country does not recognize Israel's regime, neither does it see it as legitimate or even legal.
But that does not mean that Iran aims to destroy Israel - an apparent change of heart that surprised many political experts on Saturday, and that could very well be momentary in face of growing international pressures.
Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had in the past issued fiery remarks against the Jewish state, vowing to 'wipe' the country off the map.
But on Saturday, Mottaki said that 'primary school students know that it's not possible to remove a country from the map. And that is very clear.'
Mottaki, speaking to reporters in forum, said that the important conditions outlined in the Saudi-proposed initiative will not see the light.
'We can recognize more than 132 plans for peace in the last 30 years. Why were these plans or initiatives not met or realized?' Mottaki asked.
He insisted that 'Iran was and is always a part of the solutions to the crisis in the region,' a saying which does not contradict the position made clear earlier by Iranian leadership, which said Arab countries and the US must cooperate with Iran for more stability.
Motakki's remarks clearly did not appeal to Saudi's delegation head and top diplomat Prince Turki al-Faisal al-Saud. Saudi discomfort was the strongest.
For his part, al-Saud commented by saying that he believed that 'the reality says that Iran should be on board. The wishful thinking says why should they?'
'This is an Arab issue. This is a Palestinian issue which should be solved in Arab-Palestinian context. Unfortunately, the Palestinian conflict lends itself to outside interference,' said al-Saud, whose tone betrayed discontent with the stringent Iranian stance, and did not hide Saudi disgruntlement at Iran's growing and inevitable influence on the region.
'If the Palestinians were from the very beginning united, we would not face the situation we are facing today.'
He said that if the Palestinians continue 'killing each other,' the Arab initiative will not get the region anywhere.
'This makes it imperative that we reacquire our fate in our own hands,' he said, adding that in this case neither the US, Israel nor any foreign state would be needed to interfere.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1306649.php/ANALYSIS_Iran_and_Saudi_Arabia_compete_for_regional_dominance
http://www.bangkokpost.com/breaking_news/breakingnews.php?id=118856
By Pakinam Amer
May 19, 2007, 18:31 GMT
Dead Sea, Jordan - Saudi Arabia's hopes of achieving dominance on the regional political arena, and establishing its presence as both a broker and a peace negotiator, seems to be challenged by another power - Iran, which shares its borders.
Saudi Arabia, now a key regional player, has been gradually increasing its involvement in addressing the concerns, issues and conflicts threatening Middle East stability at a time when Egypt's role is taking a nosedive.
In Mecca, the Saudis brought together Palestinian factions, and in last March's Arab League summit the Islamic kingdom figuratively extended a hand to Lebanon, facing one of the worst standoffs in its modern history, and Iraq, ripped apart by confessional and sectarian differences.
On Saturday, however, Iran's attempts to be in itself a power broker in the Arab region were confirmed - showing to Saudi Arabia how serious it is in pursuing its interests in the Arab world.
During the Jordan-based World Economic Forum, Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki underplayed the importance of a Saudi- backed four-year-old Arab-Israeli peace initiative, vehemently insisting that it is bound to fail.
'Despite of the good (intentions) of some countries and some parties to protect the right of Palestinians, we do believe that either due to the plans or due to the other side's approach, all of those plans will fail,' said Mottaki. 'If we talk based on realities, I do not see any chance.'
The remarks, paradoxically, came during a plenary session entitled 'Stability in the Broader Middle East: Who's taking the Lead?'
The session brought together the leaders of Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Jordan, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia who discussed the key players in the region, cooperation between neighbours and an ambitious inclusion strategy that the Arab neighbours wish to employ.
The 2002 Arab initiative, which Mottaki addressed and which the session's participants focused on, promises full normalization with Israel and Arab recognition of the Jewish state in return for a full Israeli pullout from the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem, and a withdrawal from the Golan Heights in Syria and some territories in southern Lebanon.
The proposal also includes terms that would guarantee the right of return to thousands of Palestinian refugees stranded in poor conditions across hosting Arab countries.
But at its core, the initiative accepts a two-state solution, which Iran is adamant in rejecting outright.
It's also Saudi-backed, and is aggressively promoted by the Islamic monarchy and enjoys the blessing of Arab states such as Egypt and Jordan.
Instead of joining powers, Mottaki said that Iran has a better proposal - a 'democratic free and fair referendum' where, in his words, original Muslim, Christian and Jewish Palestinians would vote and choose their regime.
In an evening session entitled 'Iran and the region,' he confirmed his stance saying that in principal he is not against an Arab initiative, but believed that this one will not work.
'Five million refugees will not be accepted by the Israeli regime,' he insisted.
He said his country does not recognize Israel's regime, neither does it see it as legitimate or even legal.
But that does not mean that Iran aims to destroy Israel - an apparent change of heart that surprised many political experts on Saturday, and that could very well be momentary in face of growing international pressures.
Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had in the past issued fiery remarks against the Jewish state, vowing to 'wipe' the country off the map.
But on Saturday, Mottaki said that 'primary school students know that it's not possible to remove a country from the map. And that is very clear.'
Mottaki, speaking to reporters in forum, said that the important conditions outlined in the Saudi-proposed initiative will not see the light.
'We can recognize more than 132 plans for peace in the last 30 years. Why were these plans or initiatives not met or realized?' Mottaki asked.
He insisted that 'Iran was and is always a part of the solutions to the crisis in the region,' a saying which does not contradict the position made clear earlier by Iranian leadership, which said Arab countries and the US must cooperate with Iran for more stability.
Motakki's remarks clearly did not appeal to Saudi's delegation head and top diplomat Prince Turki al-Faisal al-Saud. Saudi discomfort was the strongest.
For his part, al-Saud commented by saying that he believed that 'the reality says that Iran should be on board. The wishful thinking says why should they?'
'This is an Arab issue. This is a Palestinian issue which should be solved in Arab-Palestinian context. Unfortunately, the Palestinian conflict lends itself to outside interference,' said al-Saud, whose tone betrayed discontent with the stringent Iranian stance, and did not hide Saudi disgruntlement at Iran's growing and inevitable influence on the region.
'If the Palestinians were from the very beginning united, we would not face the situation we are facing today.'
He said that if the Palestinians continue 'killing each other,' the Arab initiative will not get the region anywhere.
'This makes it imperative that we reacquire our fate in our own hands,' he said, adding that in this case neither the US, Israel nor any foreign state would be needed to interfere.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1306649.php/ANALYSIS_Iran_and_Saudi_Arabia_compete_for_regional_dominance
http://www.bangkokpost.com/breaking_news/breakingnews.php?id=118856
DPA: Ahead of US-Iran meeting, Iranian FM criticizes US policy
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
May 19, 2007, 16:47 GMT
Dead Sea, Jordan - Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki continued to criticize US foreign policy Saturday, ahead of planned US-Iran talks, maintaining that 'the policy of the US in Iraq was and is definitely wrong.'
Mottaki, who confirmed earlier that the meeting will focus exclusively on Iraq's security and would take place on May 28, said his country aims to 'sit with the American side in presence of the Iraqi representatives in Iraq and start a talk on Iraq to show and approve that the (US) polices were wrong.'
'We will explain to them where they went wrong and how they could correct these wrongs,' Mottaki said, describing the exchanged analysis of the realities of the situation as 'vital' to those looking for security in the region.
He added that his country could indeed see what he described as a 'willingness' by the Americans to talk to countries in the region, mainly Iran, about the Iraq crisis.
But he expressed doubt that this move was completely genuine. 'Maybe Mr (George W.) Bush is bringing this as a tactic to show that (he is) responding to the Baker-Hamilton report. But really the policies have failed in Iraq,' he said.
The US-Iran meeting is expected to take place at an ambassadorial level.
US Ambassador to Iraq Ryan Crocker had agreed earlier to meet with the Iranian representatives in Baghdad amid US accusations that Tehran has been fomenting violence in Iraq by providing material support to militant groups responsible for attacks on US soldiers.
Crocker intends to bring up allegations of Iranian support for bombing materials in Iraq and its backing of militias aggravating Shiite and Sunni tensions.
For his part, Mottaki reiterated Iran's rejection of what he described as a US occupation that has led to more instability and which breeds insurgency.
Despite the foreign minister's insistence that the US presence should end, he refused to set a hypothetical deadline for the withdrawal of US troops.
'Sooner or later the US will have to decide to withdraw their troops from Iraq, because it is the cause for the continuation of terrorist activity,' Mottaki told reporters during the Jordan-based World Economic Forum, which brings together over 700 politicians from around the world.
He said that he expected a withdrawal plan from the US, but did not say if it would be discussed at the May meeting.
The United States and Iran severed formal diplomatic relations in 1980, and discussions in Baghdad are believed to be the highest contact between the two governments in years.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1306633.php/Ahead_of_US-Iran_meeting_Iranian_FM_criticizes_US_policy__Roundup_
By Pakinam Amer
May 19, 2007, 16:47 GMT
Dead Sea, Jordan - Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki continued to criticize US foreign policy Saturday, ahead of planned US-Iran talks, maintaining that 'the policy of the US in Iraq was and is definitely wrong.'
Mottaki, who confirmed earlier that the meeting will focus exclusively on Iraq's security and would take place on May 28, said his country aims to 'sit with the American side in presence of the Iraqi representatives in Iraq and start a talk on Iraq to show and approve that the (US) polices were wrong.'
'We will explain to them where they went wrong and how they could correct these wrongs,' Mottaki said, describing the exchanged analysis of the realities of the situation as 'vital' to those looking for security in the region.
He added that his country could indeed see what he described as a 'willingness' by the Americans to talk to countries in the region, mainly Iran, about the Iraq crisis.
But he expressed doubt that this move was completely genuine. 'Maybe Mr (George W.) Bush is bringing this as a tactic to show that (he is) responding to the Baker-Hamilton report. But really the policies have failed in Iraq,' he said.
The US-Iran meeting is expected to take place at an ambassadorial level.
US Ambassador to Iraq Ryan Crocker had agreed earlier to meet with the Iranian representatives in Baghdad amid US accusations that Tehran has been fomenting violence in Iraq by providing material support to militant groups responsible for attacks on US soldiers.
Crocker intends to bring up allegations of Iranian support for bombing materials in Iraq and its backing of militias aggravating Shiite and Sunni tensions.
For his part, Mottaki reiterated Iran's rejection of what he described as a US occupation that has led to more instability and which breeds insurgency.
Despite the foreign minister's insistence that the US presence should end, he refused to set a hypothetical deadline for the withdrawal of US troops.
'Sooner or later the US will have to decide to withdraw their troops from Iraq, because it is the cause for the continuation of terrorist activity,' Mottaki told reporters during the Jordan-based World Economic Forum, which brings together over 700 politicians from around the world.
He said that he expected a withdrawal plan from the US, but did not say if it would be discussed at the May meeting.
The United States and Iran severed formal diplomatic relations in 1980, and discussions in Baghdad are believed to be the highest contact between the two governments in years.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1306633.php/Ahead_of_US-Iran_meeting_Iranian_FM_criticizes_US_policy__Roundup_
ANALYSIS: Israeli-Palestinian council generates more doubt than hope
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
May 18, 2007, 17:19 GMT
Dead Sea, Jordan - Even as the Jordan-based World Economic Forum began with the announcement of an ambitious Israeli-Palestinian business council on Friday, observers cast doubt on the effectiveness of such an initiative in light of the heavy Hamas-Fatah clashes.
The 10-member council's co-chairs admitted that the political standoff the region was undergoing put the economic situation at stake. In addition, they said 'deep rifts and difficulties' still characterized complicated Israeli and Palestinian relations.
'We do not offer political solutions, but we constitute a community that is able to provide some measure of direction and practical solutions to issues affecting our region,' said Walid al- Najjab, Palestinian co-chair of the business council.
His Israeli counterpart Amos Shapira added: 'We believe our Palestinian colleagues also want to create a better future.'
Both business experts and leaders, however, hoped that the forum will give weight to their 'message' that according to Shapira 'should not be ignored or belittled.'
However the forum, which hosts around 1,500 delegates, is itself weighed down by the violence in the Palestinian territories - a situation which has topped the agenda of the forum
Jordan's King Abdullah urged the Palestinians, Arabs and the international community to act, saying 'Israelis and Palestinians from all walks of life tell us they need and want an end to violence.'
But even as the king's speech highlighted prospects of peace and 'sweeping new opportunities and benefits,' it was marred by the reality of the deteriorating situation around the Middle East, particularly in the Gaza Strip.
In the war-ravaged territories, unemployment runs high with experts recently placing it at 60 per cent.
An economic blockade, which was put into effect by the international community when radical Hamas came to power, drained the area of its resources and left many families penniless.
King Abdullah, pleading with Arab leaders to react, said that 'business owners shut factories because supply chains are broken, financing is frozen, and too few customers can afford to buy.'
He added: 'When children quit school early because they see no future ahead, it is our duty to act.'
Despite this, there are still some experts who insist that the forum will not be threatened by the Palestinian situation - or at least will not be dominated by it.
Jordan-based economic expert Fahd al-Faneq believes that in its core the forum is not political, despite an agenda which places political concerns on top.
'The main aim of this conference is being together as businessmen and discussing business opportunities in the region,' al-Faneq said on the sidelines of the conference, adding that the Palestinian cause was not the main issue.
'Many of the participants are economists and businessmen. Evaluating the conference should be directed at the outcome of their meetings, which have not started yet.'
The high-profile meeting brings together participants from 55 countries, in addition to members of the G11, under the theme of 'putting diversity to work.'
The G11 member states are Croatia, Ecuador, El Salvador, Paraguay, Sri Lanka, Jordan, Indonesia, Morocco, Honduras, Georgia and Pakistan.
The G11 alliance is dedicated to reducing the financial burdens of its members states, in addition to finding solutions for their economic problems.
The Dead Sea resort in Jordan, which is hosting the World Economic Forum for the fourth time, is heavily fortified during the count down to the meeting, which brings around 700 top politicians in addition to business community leaders to the table of discussions.
Israeli Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni and Arab League chief Amr Moussa are among some of the top delegates.
On the eve of the meeting, reports said that opposition parties and tribunals called for boycotting the conference, because 'its targets run counter to the interests of the Arab peoples.'
They urged Arab governments to 'focus on real domestic development rather than promoting the alleged foreign investments that turn our societies to slaves.'
In addition, around 70 Jordanian and Arab organizations met in nearby Amman to protest the meeting.
The Jordan-based The Star newspaper quoted a statement by human rights activist Hani al-Dahleh saying that the forum 'is taking place amid a suffocating political crisis that engulfs the imperialistic American-Zionist project in the region because of the escalating heroic resistance in Iraq, the defeat of Israel's army in Lebanon and the resistance of the Palestinian people.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1306328.php/ANALYSIS_Israeli-Palestinian_council_generates_more_doubt_than_hope
By Pakinam Amer
May 18, 2007, 17:19 GMT
Dead Sea, Jordan - Even as the Jordan-based World Economic Forum began with the announcement of an ambitious Israeli-Palestinian business council on Friday, observers cast doubt on the effectiveness of such an initiative in light of the heavy Hamas-Fatah clashes.
The 10-member council's co-chairs admitted that the political standoff the region was undergoing put the economic situation at stake. In addition, they said 'deep rifts and difficulties' still characterized complicated Israeli and Palestinian relations.
'We do not offer political solutions, but we constitute a community that is able to provide some measure of direction and practical solutions to issues affecting our region,' said Walid al- Najjab, Palestinian co-chair of the business council.
His Israeli counterpart Amos Shapira added: 'We believe our Palestinian colleagues also want to create a better future.'
Both business experts and leaders, however, hoped that the forum will give weight to their 'message' that according to Shapira 'should not be ignored or belittled.'
However the forum, which hosts around 1,500 delegates, is itself weighed down by the violence in the Palestinian territories - a situation which has topped the agenda of the forum
Jordan's King Abdullah urged the Palestinians, Arabs and the international community to act, saying 'Israelis and Palestinians from all walks of life tell us they need and want an end to violence.'
But even as the king's speech highlighted prospects of peace and 'sweeping new opportunities and benefits,' it was marred by the reality of the deteriorating situation around the Middle East, particularly in the Gaza Strip.
In the war-ravaged territories, unemployment runs high with experts recently placing it at 60 per cent.
An economic blockade, which was put into effect by the international community when radical Hamas came to power, drained the area of its resources and left many families penniless.
King Abdullah, pleading with Arab leaders to react, said that 'business owners shut factories because supply chains are broken, financing is frozen, and too few customers can afford to buy.'
He added: 'When children quit school early because they see no future ahead, it is our duty to act.'
Despite this, there are still some experts who insist that the forum will not be threatened by the Palestinian situation - or at least will not be dominated by it.
Jordan-based economic expert Fahd al-Faneq believes that in its core the forum is not political, despite an agenda which places political concerns on top.
'The main aim of this conference is being together as businessmen and discussing business opportunities in the region,' al-Faneq said on the sidelines of the conference, adding that the Palestinian cause was not the main issue.
'Many of the participants are economists and businessmen. Evaluating the conference should be directed at the outcome of their meetings, which have not started yet.'
The high-profile meeting brings together participants from 55 countries, in addition to members of the G11, under the theme of 'putting diversity to work.'
The G11 member states are Croatia, Ecuador, El Salvador, Paraguay, Sri Lanka, Jordan, Indonesia, Morocco, Honduras, Georgia and Pakistan.
The G11 alliance is dedicated to reducing the financial burdens of its members states, in addition to finding solutions for their economic problems.
The Dead Sea resort in Jordan, which is hosting the World Economic Forum for the fourth time, is heavily fortified during the count down to the meeting, which brings around 700 top politicians in addition to business community leaders to the table of discussions.
Israeli Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni and Arab League chief Amr Moussa are among some of the top delegates.
On the eve of the meeting, reports said that opposition parties and tribunals called for boycotting the conference, because 'its targets run counter to the interests of the Arab peoples.'
They urged Arab governments to 'focus on real domestic development rather than promoting the alleged foreign investments that turn our societies to slaves.'
In addition, around 70 Jordanian and Arab organizations met in nearby Amman to protest the meeting.
The Jordan-based The Star newspaper quoted a statement by human rights activist Hani al-Dahleh saying that the forum 'is taking place amid a suffocating political crisis that engulfs the imperialistic American-Zionist project in the region because of the escalating heroic resistance in Iraq, the defeat of Israel's army in Lebanon and the resistance of the Palestinian people.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1306328.php/ANALYSIS_Israeli-Palestinian_council_generates_more_doubt_than_hope
Sunday, May 06, 2007
NEWS FEATURE: Iraqi Shiite MP concedes differences with Saudi Arabia (dpa)
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
May 5, 2007, 14:23 GMT
Cairo - In the wake of the so-called 'neighbours-plus' conference, a member of the ruling coalition in the Iraqi national assembly said there is 'a misunderstanding' between the Iraqi and the Saudi governments.
In response to remarks made by Saudi Foreign Minister Saud al- Faisal during and after the key conference, Abbas al-Biaty, an MP belonging to the ruling United Iraqi alliance, said that there are differences in views between the two countries, and misunderstanding.
'This we cannot hide,' he added.
Al-Faisal, who was considered one of the key players in the Egypt- based conference, told al-Hayat newspaper's Saturday edition that 'the situation in Iraq is only getting worse' and added: 'We fear that the situation will deteriorate into a civil war.'
The comments were considered an 'exaggeration' by al-Biaty who vehemently denied the possibility of a war based on confessional differences. He said that this and such statements by neighbouring states give 'a wrong message' to the Iraqi people.
'These countries should open up their embassies, and send delegations into Iraq in order to receive reports that correctly mirror the situation in Iraq,' he said. 'The brothers (in neighbouring states) have incorrect information.'
The 18th conference on Iraq since the US-led invasion and ouster of Saddam Hussein in 2003 brought together leaders from 21 countries along with top international diplomats but failed to bring about either a short-term or long-term solution for Iraq's troubles.
Al-Faisal's remarks followed the conference which ended Friday and which was regarded by independent observers as a disappointment even though Premier Nuri al-Maliki's government said it regarded it as a 'step' towards national reconciliation and reform.
According to government members, the conference was intended to hail moral support for the Shiite-led cabinet and its internal projects. However, al-Maliki, whose cabinet is under fire from Iraqis for failing to curb the ongoing violence, did not receive the expected support from some of the Arab governments.
During the conference, reports even circulated that al-Faisal had refused to meet with al-Maliki. If this were true it could imply the lack of Saudi support for the Shiite premier.
Such reports have not been confirmed, but al-Biaty said that al- Maliki was 'promised a visit to Saudi Arabia. And this visit never happened.'
When asked by al-Hayat if the Saudi government was willing to back al-Maliki's cabinet, al-Faisal said: 'We do not interfere in the internal matters of Iraq or any other country. This is up to the Iraqis.'
He added that al-Maliki's government has an important role in 'convincing' participants in the upcoming and much-anticipated Iraqi national reconciliation meeting 'that (the Iraqi government) is the side that they should trust.'
He also said that it is up to the Iraqi government to end the troubles of 'all Iraqis.'
Concerning Iraq's armed militias, who are said to have infiltrated army, police and government ranks, al-Faisal said: 'Is it acceptable that militias are part of a legitimate government now?'
In response, al-Biaty said that Saudi support is indeed needed as his country is embracing a new democracy project. But he added that 'Iraq will not accept ready-made recipes (for reconciliation) from either friendly nations or neighbouring ones.'
He also said that Riyadh should facilitate a 'direct meeting' between the Iraqi and the Saudi governments.
'But it is important that (no country) sides with another regional party or one of the concerned factions,' he added.
Saudi Arabia is a strict Sunni state, and in recent statements the Saudi leadership has underlined the importance of incorporating all factions in the Iraqi political arena.
After the fall of Saddam, Sunnis have claimed that they were being systematically targeted and marginalized by both Iraqi and US authorities. Independent observers say this could be the reason why the Saudis are reluctant to offer unconditional support to al-Maliki.
Al-Maliki's ruling coalition, which has the biggest representation in Iraq's parliament, includes members of the Shiite al-Sadr faction. This is led by the feared Muqtada al-Sadr who is blamed - along with his backers - for the raging violence and many attacks across Iraq.
The radical faction is also said to have supporters among police and army forces, who in turn are accused of being 'biased' against some Sunni groups.
More than once, al-Maliki has dodged such accusations, claiming that the government clamps down on extremists from both sides - Shiites and Sunnis - and is equal to all.
But his claims usually fall on deaf ears amid the intense power struggle between both religious factions.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1300669.php/Iraqi_Shiite_MP_concedes_differences_with_Saudi_Arabia__Roundup_
By Pakinam Amer
May 5, 2007, 14:23 GMT
Cairo - In the wake of the so-called 'neighbours-plus' conference, a member of the ruling coalition in the Iraqi national assembly said there is 'a misunderstanding' between the Iraqi and the Saudi governments.
In response to remarks made by Saudi Foreign Minister Saud al- Faisal during and after the key conference, Abbas al-Biaty, an MP belonging to the ruling United Iraqi alliance, said that there are differences in views between the two countries, and misunderstanding.
'This we cannot hide,' he added.
Al-Faisal, who was considered one of the key players in the Egypt- based conference, told al-Hayat newspaper's Saturday edition that 'the situation in Iraq is only getting worse' and added: 'We fear that the situation will deteriorate into a civil war.'
The comments were considered an 'exaggeration' by al-Biaty who vehemently denied the possibility of a war based on confessional differences. He said that this and such statements by neighbouring states give 'a wrong message' to the Iraqi people.
'These countries should open up their embassies, and send delegations into Iraq in order to receive reports that correctly mirror the situation in Iraq,' he said. 'The brothers (in neighbouring states) have incorrect information.'
The 18th conference on Iraq since the US-led invasion and ouster of Saddam Hussein in 2003 brought together leaders from 21 countries along with top international diplomats but failed to bring about either a short-term or long-term solution for Iraq's troubles.
Al-Faisal's remarks followed the conference which ended Friday and which was regarded by independent observers as a disappointment even though Premier Nuri al-Maliki's government said it regarded it as a 'step' towards national reconciliation and reform.
According to government members, the conference was intended to hail moral support for the Shiite-led cabinet and its internal projects. However, al-Maliki, whose cabinet is under fire from Iraqis for failing to curb the ongoing violence, did not receive the expected support from some of the Arab governments.
During the conference, reports even circulated that al-Faisal had refused to meet with al-Maliki. If this were true it could imply the lack of Saudi support for the Shiite premier.
Such reports have not been confirmed, but al-Biaty said that al- Maliki was 'promised a visit to Saudi Arabia. And this visit never happened.'
When asked by al-Hayat if the Saudi government was willing to back al-Maliki's cabinet, al-Faisal said: 'We do not interfere in the internal matters of Iraq or any other country. This is up to the Iraqis.'
He added that al-Maliki's government has an important role in 'convincing' participants in the upcoming and much-anticipated Iraqi national reconciliation meeting 'that (the Iraqi government) is the side that they should trust.'
He also said that it is up to the Iraqi government to end the troubles of 'all Iraqis.'
Concerning Iraq's armed militias, who are said to have infiltrated army, police and government ranks, al-Faisal said: 'Is it acceptable that militias are part of a legitimate government now?'
In response, al-Biaty said that Saudi support is indeed needed as his country is embracing a new democracy project. But he added that 'Iraq will not accept ready-made recipes (for reconciliation) from either friendly nations or neighbouring ones.'
He also said that Riyadh should facilitate a 'direct meeting' between the Iraqi and the Saudi governments.
'But it is important that (no country) sides with another regional party or one of the concerned factions,' he added.
Saudi Arabia is a strict Sunni state, and in recent statements the Saudi leadership has underlined the importance of incorporating all factions in the Iraqi political arena.
After the fall of Saddam, Sunnis have claimed that they were being systematically targeted and marginalized by both Iraqi and US authorities. Independent observers say this could be the reason why the Saudis are reluctant to offer unconditional support to al-Maliki.
Al-Maliki's ruling coalition, which has the biggest representation in Iraq's parliament, includes members of the Shiite al-Sadr faction. This is led by the feared Muqtada al-Sadr who is blamed - along with his backers - for the raging violence and many attacks across Iraq.
The radical faction is also said to have supporters among police and army forces, who in turn are accused of being 'biased' against some Sunni groups.
More than once, al-Maliki has dodged such accusations, claiming that the government clamps down on extremists from both sides - Shiites and Sunnis - and is equal to all.
But his claims usually fall on deaf ears amid the intense power struggle between both religious factions.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1300669.php/Iraqi_Shiite_MP_concedes_differences_with_Saudi_Arabia__Roundup_
FEATURE: Mecca working women find it hard to be 'free' (dpa)
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 25, 2007, 4:11 GMT
Mecca - Covered from head-to-toe in black robes, Asmaa usually experiences the world around her through the two slits in her black face-veil. Sometimes, she says, frowns from men even compel her to let down a see-through netting to cover her Kohl-lined eyes.
Every morning, however, when the 26-year-old Saudi woman steps into her air-conditioned office, where only women are allowed, she takes off her scarf, face veil and ankle-length dress, and sits down at her computer - in jeans and a casual top, her hair loose.
Life in the close-knit society of Mecca is not easy for woman who want to do things differently: In the heart of Islamic Saudi Arabia diversity is discouraged and females can only leave the house if they're fully veiled.
In the 'women-only' section of her company, Asmaa explains the restrictions for women at work and in public in Mecca. Her office is separated and receives only female customers because 'mixing' is highly rejected in Mecca society.
Her work conditions, however, are not the only challenges that she faces as a female professional, says Asmaa, who did not want her full name to be disclosed.
Mecca, Asmaa's hometown, is the most sacred site for the world's more than one billion Muslims. The city houses the grand al-Haram mosque with the Kaaba, to which Muslim pilgrims journey and in whose direction Muslims across the world pray five times a day.
However, as a Saudi city, Mecca also strictly abides by Saudi law and a rigid interpretation of Islam, and the government continues to impose tough rules which regulate women's education, behaviour and the level of their role and appearance in public life.
This means more rules to follow for Asmaa, who has lived in Mecca for most of her life. 'I'm an ambitious woman, and I don't like restrictions,' she says.
Like other young women in her community, the customer service representative is seeking post-graduate education and a prestigious job. She also dreams of travelling - all this in a community in which women are frowned upon if they walk the streets without male guardians, either from or designated by their families.
Girls get their education in isolated classes across most high schools and universities. However, the number of approved subjects is restricted.
Earlier this month, a Saudi college admitted female students to study engineering, decoration, embroidery and fashion design, but this was a first and only in order to fill a number of teaching and administrative openings around the kingdom.
Apart from medicine, nursing and teaching in segregated environments, women are usually discouraged from working in any other fields.
Women in Saudi are also banned from driving, so women like Asmaa hav to take taxis to work, or be driven by their fathers or male relatives.
Before her post in Mecca, Asmaa briefly worked in Jeddah, 70 kilometres west, as a call centre employee. This job involved talking to men on the phone, and sharing the office with male colleagues. While her parents agreed with this move, she was frowned upon by the rest of her relatives.
In Jeddah, Asmaa said, she used to wear the face veil during work hours. But even this was not enough, according to Saudi Sheikhs.
Because their tasks involved talking to men, Asmaa and her co- workers were ultimately forced to relocate when a group of Islamic scholars issued a fatwa (Islamic mandate) denouncing jobs in which women communicated with male strangers.
It was unusual for Saudis to have women deal with male clients on the phone, Asmaa admits, adding that they suffered from occasional harassment by clients who tried to flirt.
'Some male callers step out of line when they hear a woman's voice on the other end,' Asmaa says, but insists: 'But that does not mean it's haram (forbidden).'
In Saudi, particularly Mecca, the Islamic Scholars are influential not only in jurisprudence and the implementation of Islamic law in the community, but also in education, as well as public and religious guidance.
Originally, she felt 'liberated' to be in the more open Jeddah community which she said she preferred over Mecca. However, she was angry when she had to leave because of the fatwas, and her company avoided confrontation with the strict Saudi rules.
'When I started working, I did not ask for a fatwa from any sheikhs,' she said, and adds: 'For me, my parent's consent is more important than fatwas.'
After the Islamic ruling, Asmaa pleaded with her superiors not to post her to a back office where her skills would not shine. And because of her talent, she was allowed to move to the sales section in Mecca. However, she says she still dreams of moving to a place where 'the teachings of Islam are not as misread.'
Despite of such problems, Asmaa described her career as 'her life,' adding that she would never allow herself to be forced to leave work - neither by relatives, friends nor by traditional 'marriage suitors.'
'I realize that some people say that work for women is forbidden and that a woman's place is her house,' she said: 'But this is wrong. Aisha (the youngest wife of Prophet Mohammed) used to give lectures to men. People here fail to understand the meaning of this.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1296067.php/Mecca_working_women_find_it_hard_to_be_free
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 25, 2007, 4:11 GMT
Mecca - Covered from head-to-toe in black robes, Asmaa usually experiences the world around her through the two slits in her black face-veil. Sometimes, she says, frowns from men even compel her to let down a see-through netting to cover her Kohl-lined eyes.
Every morning, however, when the 26-year-old Saudi woman steps into her air-conditioned office, where only women are allowed, she takes off her scarf, face veil and ankle-length dress, and sits down at her computer - in jeans and a casual top, her hair loose.
Life in the close-knit society of Mecca is not easy for woman who want to do things differently: In the heart of Islamic Saudi Arabia diversity is discouraged and females can only leave the house if they're fully veiled.
In the 'women-only' section of her company, Asmaa explains the restrictions for women at work and in public in Mecca. Her office is separated and receives only female customers because 'mixing' is highly rejected in Mecca society.
Her work conditions, however, are not the only challenges that she faces as a female professional, says Asmaa, who did not want her full name to be disclosed.
Mecca, Asmaa's hometown, is the most sacred site for the world's more than one billion Muslims. The city houses the grand al-Haram mosque with the Kaaba, to which Muslim pilgrims journey and in whose direction Muslims across the world pray five times a day.
However, as a Saudi city, Mecca also strictly abides by Saudi law and a rigid interpretation of Islam, and the government continues to impose tough rules which regulate women's education, behaviour and the level of their role and appearance in public life.
This means more rules to follow for Asmaa, who has lived in Mecca for most of her life. 'I'm an ambitious woman, and I don't like restrictions,' she says.
Like other young women in her community, the customer service representative is seeking post-graduate education and a prestigious job. She also dreams of travelling - all this in a community in which women are frowned upon if they walk the streets without male guardians, either from or designated by their families.
Girls get their education in isolated classes across most high schools and universities. However, the number of approved subjects is restricted.
Earlier this month, a Saudi college admitted female students to study engineering, decoration, embroidery and fashion design, but this was a first and only in order to fill a number of teaching and administrative openings around the kingdom.
Apart from medicine, nursing and teaching in segregated environments, women are usually discouraged from working in any other fields.
Women in Saudi are also banned from driving, so women like Asmaa hav to take taxis to work, or be driven by their fathers or male relatives.
Before her post in Mecca, Asmaa briefly worked in Jeddah, 70 kilometres west, as a call centre employee. This job involved talking to men on the phone, and sharing the office with male colleagues. While her parents agreed with this move, she was frowned upon by the rest of her relatives.
In Jeddah, Asmaa said, she used to wear the face veil during work hours. But even this was not enough, according to Saudi Sheikhs.
Because their tasks involved talking to men, Asmaa and her co- workers were ultimately forced to relocate when a group of Islamic scholars issued a fatwa (Islamic mandate) denouncing jobs in which women communicated with male strangers.
It was unusual for Saudis to have women deal with male clients on the phone, Asmaa admits, adding that they suffered from occasional harassment by clients who tried to flirt.
'Some male callers step out of line when they hear a woman's voice on the other end,' Asmaa says, but insists: 'But that does not mean it's haram (forbidden).'
In Saudi, particularly Mecca, the Islamic Scholars are influential not only in jurisprudence and the implementation of Islamic law in the community, but also in education, as well as public and religious guidance.
Originally, she felt 'liberated' to be in the more open Jeddah community which she said she preferred over Mecca. However, she was angry when she had to leave because of the fatwas, and her company avoided confrontation with the strict Saudi rules.
'When I started working, I did not ask for a fatwa from any sheikhs,' she said, and adds: 'For me, my parent's consent is more important than fatwas.'
After the Islamic ruling, Asmaa pleaded with her superiors not to post her to a back office where her skills would not shine. And because of her talent, she was allowed to move to the sales section in Mecca. However, she says she still dreams of moving to a place where 'the teachings of Islam are not as misread.'
Despite of such problems, Asmaa described her career as 'her life,' adding that she would never allow herself to be forced to leave work - neither by relatives, friends nor by traditional 'marriage suitors.'
'I realize that some people say that work for women is forbidden and that a woman's place is her house,' she said: 'But this is wrong. Aisha (the youngest wife of Prophet Mohammed) used to give lectures to men. People here fail to understand the meaning of this.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1296067.php/Mecca_working_women_find_it_hard_to_be_free
FEATURE: Mecca residents feel abandoned by Saudi government (dpa)
By Pakinam Amer, dpa
First Published: 14 April 2007
Mecca - Although billions of dollars are invested in Mecca projects, many of the holy city’s residents say that they feel abandoned by the Saudi government.
They claim that the rulers pool their money into services and projects around the grand mosque of Al Haram to which pilgrims flock all year round, while the rest of the city is largely abandoned.
“Here there is no care for us, or our streets. There is no electricity or water in some areas. Mecca people are forgotten people,” said 27-year-old Sami Al Mouled.
Mecca, 73 kilometres east of Jeddah, is a sacred site for over one billion Muslims worldwide. But despite the pride that Mecca inhabitants manifest for their city being the location of the Kaaba - the cubic building believed to have been built by Abraham as a destination for believers - they say other parts of the city need more attention.
Around the mosque of Al Haram, in the heart of the old city, the Saudi government have been launching renovation and expansion projects aimed at providing better facilities, air-conditioned shopping malls and residential towers for pilgrims. So far, around 50 hotels and modern towers occupy the area.
According to Mecca’s official website, the Al Haram mosque’s northern courtyard is expected to eventually cover around 1.2 million square metres.
In the same area, Abraj Al bait, a multi-billion-dollar tower under construction, which is designed to be the largest building in the world by mass, will have a grand prayer space which is expected to accommodate several thousand visitors.
Roads into the heart of the city are clean and paved. Meanwhile the city is removing all “obstacles” around the area of the Al Haram. Several traditional markets and stores are being closed down and relocated in order to install roads in their place.
Abraj Al Bait itself replaced the Ottoman-era Ajiad fort, which was more than 200 years old. The new tower should house hundreds of thousands of “A-class worshippers” who can afford its luxurious five- stars bedrooms.
In the height of the pilgrimage seasons, hotels overlooking the grand mosque charge an average of 10,000 dollars for 10-days accommodation in regular rooms, according to Naef Ghassal, a travel advisor based in Mecca.
Neighbourhoods around the Kaaba swarm with apparel shops and Muslim accessories. Fast food restaurants are also in abundance, in addition to travel agencies. Sellers hawking prayer mats, beads and religion booklets fill the streets.
Begging for renovation
In contrast and only several kilometres away from Al Haram, some Mecca streets are begging for renovation. As billions of Saudi Riyals are willingly spent in some districts, other streets are completely overlooked despite petitioning by the residents.
According to the local Mecca-based Al Nadwa newspaper, some old streets like Al Bayary is in close proximity to Al Haram but suffers from lack of electricity and water facilities in addition to sewerage problems.
Residents of the area are forced to buy fresh water from profit- making sources who, they claim, exploit their need and sell water at high prices.
In Jabal Abu-Lahab, an area where foreign and Saudi Muslims live, garbage-riddled alleys are what meets the eye. Here can be found dumped vehicles and stray animals, which residents fear for both sanitary and safety reasons.
Deserted houses are also common, which according to Al Nadwa are houses that could be used for crime or by “those weak in souls.”
Arguably, renovating these streets would not cost the state much, but would certainly make a difference in the lives of the residents.
And although authorities promise that money lavished on Al Haram projects is well-spent and will open up thousands of jobs for Mecca residents, Saudis living in this area - youths topping the list - are frustrated.
Al Mouled is one of them. He says that the situation “is getting worse” by the day and that young people are dreaming of leaving the country all together for opportunities elsewhere.
The young Saudi, who studied sales and merchandising, is unemployed like many his age. He explains that “any work in Mecca needs capital and resources, which many young men here do not have.” Government and white-collar jobs require high qualifications and perhaps “nepotism,” he says.
There is no official statistics available, but observers say that unemployment among youth in the city could be as high as 50 per cent. Youths are finding it harder to find jobs or get married at a convenient age.
“Unless you know your way around in the pilgrimage business, your case is lost,” claims Al Mouled who believes that some people ”exploit” pilgrims for money.
Apart from working in the “big pilgrimage business,” and some other trades, Al Mouled and his like only have the choice of working as freelance travel guides during the time of Haj pilgrimage.
A motawef (a pilgrim’s guide) is ideally a self-employed guide who provides pilgrims with accommodation and transportation during the high seasons. But Al Mouled claims that this business is often “corrupted” and only some people “would know what to do and would want to do it.”
Indeed, many pilgrims - especially those who can’t afford the towers and the fancy hotels - depend on the guides for help.
But many of them are deceived and are promised clean hotel rooms, good food and reliable transportation. However, when they come to Mecca, filthy overcrowded studio-like flats and extra charges await them.
Link: http://www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticleNew.asp?xfile=data/todaysfeatures/2007/April/todaysfeatures_April28.xml§ion=todaysfeatures&col=
First Published: 14 April 2007
Mecca - Although billions of dollars are invested in Mecca projects, many of the holy city’s residents say that they feel abandoned by the Saudi government.
They claim that the rulers pool their money into services and projects around the grand mosque of Al Haram to which pilgrims flock all year round, while the rest of the city is largely abandoned.
“Here there is no care for us, or our streets. There is no electricity or water in some areas. Mecca people are forgotten people,” said 27-year-old Sami Al Mouled.
Mecca, 73 kilometres east of Jeddah, is a sacred site for over one billion Muslims worldwide. But despite the pride that Mecca inhabitants manifest for their city being the location of the Kaaba - the cubic building believed to have been built by Abraham as a destination for believers - they say other parts of the city need more attention.
Around the mosque of Al Haram, in the heart of the old city, the Saudi government have been launching renovation and expansion projects aimed at providing better facilities, air-conditioned shopping malls and residential towers for pilgrims. So far, around 50 hotels and modern towers occupy the area.
According to Mecca’s official website, the Al Haram mosque’s northern courtyard is expected to eventually cover around 1.2 million square metres.
In the same area, Abraj Al bait, a multi-billion-dollar tower under construction, which is designed to be the largest building in the world by mass, will have a grand prayer space which is expected to accommodate several thousand visitors.
Roads into the heart of the city are clean and paved. Meanwhile the city is removing all “obstacles” around the area of the Al Haram. Several traditional markets and stores are being closed down and relocated in order to install roads in their place.
Abraj Al Bait itself replaced the Ottoman-era Ajiad fort, which was more than 200 years old. The new tower should house hundreds of thousands of “A-class worshippers” who can afford its luxurious five- stars bedrooms.
In the height of the pilgrimage seasons, hotels overlooking the grand mosque charge an average of 10,000 dollars for 10-days accommodation in regular rooms, according to Naef Ghassal, a travel advisor based in Mecca.
Neighbourhoods around the Kaaba swarm with apparel shops and Muslim accessories. Fast food restaurants are also in abundance, in addition to travel agencies. Sellers hawking prayer mats, beads and religion booklets fill the streets.
Begging for renovation
In contrast and only several kilometres away from Al Haram, some Mecca streets are begging for renovation. As billions of Saudi Riyals are willingly spent in some districts, other streets are completely overlooked despite petitioning by the residents.
According to the local Mecca-based Al Nadwa newspaper, some old streets like Al Bayary is in close proximity to Al Haram but suffers from lack of electricity and water facilities in addition to sewerage problems.
Residents of the area are forced to buy fresh water from profit- making sources who, they claim, exploit their need and sell water at high prices.
In Jabal Abu-Lahab, an area where foreign and Saudi Muslims live, garbage-riddled alleys are what meets the eye. Here can be found dumped vehicles and stray animals, which residents fear for both sanitary and safety reasons.
Deserted houses are also common, which according to Al Nadwa are houses that could be used for crime or by “those weak in souls.”
Arguably, renovating these streets would not cost the state much, but would certainly make a difference in the lives of the residents.
And although authorities promise that money lavished on Al Haram projects is well-spent and will open up thousands of jobs for Mecca residents, Saudis living in this area - youths topping the list - are frustrated.
Al Mouled is one of them. He says that the situation “is getting worse” by the day and that young people are dreaming of leaving the country all together for opportunities elsewhere.
The young Saudi, who studied sales and merchandising, is unemployed like many his age. He explains that “any work in Mecca needs capital and resources, which many young men here do not have.” Government and white-collar jobs require high qualifications and perhaps “nepotism,” he says.
There is no official statistics available, but observers say that unemployment among youth in the city could be as high as 50 per cent. Youths are finding it harder to find jobs or get married at a convenient age.
“Unless you know your way around in the pilgrimage business, your case is lost,” claims Al Mouled who believes that some people ”exploit” pilgrims for money.
Apart from working in the “big pilgrimage business,” and some other trades, Al Mouled and his like only have the choice of working as freelance travel guides during the time of Haj pilgrimage.
A motawef (a pilgrim’s guide) is ideally a self-employed guide who provides pilgrims with accommodation and transportation during the high seasons. But Al Mouled claims that this business is often “corrupted” and only some people “would know what to do and would want to do it.”
Indeed, many pilgrims - especially those who can’t afford the towers and the fancy hotels - depend on the guides for help.
But many of them are deceived and are promised clean hotel rooms, good food and reliable transportation. However, when they come to Mecca, filthy overcrowded studio-like flats and extra charges await them.
Link: http://www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticleNew.asp?xfile=data/todaysfeatures/2007/April/todaysfeatures_April28.xml§ion=todaysfeatures&col=
Friday, April 13, 2007
FEATURE: Mecca, a sanctuary for non-Arab 'illegal dreamers' (dpa)
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 12, 2007, 14:08 GMT
Mecca - For some non-Arab Muslims, Mecca not only represents sanctity. It also embodies a notion not unlike the 'American dream' - a place promising a secure job, food on the table and a happy family.
Mecca has a special place in the hearts of Muslims as the birth place of the Prophet Mohammed, the founder of Islam, and the place where the Koran was revealed to him.
It also houses the Kaaba, the central stone structure believed to have been built by Abraham - a place of pilgrimage for Muslims from all over the world, and the place to which they direct their prayers five times a day.
There are two types of foreigners in Mecca: those who entered the country on a pilgrim's visa and stayed, hiding from the authorities, and those who took refuge there for religious or political reasons.
Both groups live in secluded neighbourhoods in the heart of Mecca or on the outskirts of the city, 73 kilometres east of Jeddah.
However, the dreams of poverty-stricken foreign Muslims, who seep into the city with their families in toe, are often shattered, and they frequently end up working in badly-paid day jobs.
Many of them resort to pick-pocketing, while others get into prostitution and drug trafficking, local observers say. Others beg.
Near the holy mosque in central Mecca, numerous foreign Muslims dressed in black ask the worshippers for money or food in their broken Arabic.
Persistent female beggars as young as ten trot in their flowing knee-length veils behind strangers, while the crippled among them make a point of showing their amputated legs or arms to the mosque visitors to goad sympathy.
There are no statistics on the number of illegal residents currently living in Mecca, but a police officer, who refused to disclose his name, said there might be 'thousands of them' living among Mecca's one-million-plus population.
They come in large numbers, he said, through main checkpoints or through unofficial routes in the mountains, and they are sometimes aided by Saudis who help them stay under-cover from the police in return for money.
According to the policeman, who is assigned to a local police department that monitors violations of foreign residents, said that at least '500 illegal residents are rounded up every night. Most of them are men.'
'They confess that they came to Mecca looking for a source of living,' he said, adding: 'They admit that they have not come for the Hajj or the Ummra (pilgrimages). Some claim they're Muslims while they're not.'
Some Mecca residents feel insecure around foreigners, who are often accused of violence. But the authorities failed to clamp down on them and only struck when crimes happened, some Saudis complain.
The Afghans, reportedly with expired visas, live in an area called al-Masafy Mountain, near the Old City - the central area where the al-Masjid al-Haram mosque and the Kaaba are located. The Burmese and the Pakistanis are largely based in Qouz al-Nakassa.
In Hosh Bakr, near al-Mansour district, where hundreds of Nigerian Muslims have been living for decades, one can see the misery. Amid the dirt and the garbage, their make-shift camps have slowly turned into brick and mud houses.
No larger than a cabin, each house is said to take in at least a family of five or six, some even more. Built along the rugged foothills of the mountain, the houses have neither sewerage nor electricity.
The people live on bottles of expired milk, juices and food that are sold cheaply. Water tankers tagged 'Well water, not suitable for drinking' drive around the area. The people use it for drinking and washing because it is affordable. A local resident explains that this is their only water supply.
No statistics on mortality rates in the area are available, as many inhabitants have neither papers nor identification. But accidents and disease are common in their communities.
Hanan al-Matrafy, a physician at a local clinic, said that particularly skin rashes and diseases were spreading quickly, as were diarrhoea and common colds.
However, she insisted that state hospitals were frequently sending health campaigns and nurses into these areas, providing free medication and vaccinations to both authorized and unauthorized residents.
'The state is keen that infections are not spread,' al-Matrafy said. Yet, some services, such as assistance at birth, are not free.
In the quarters around their houses, the African Muslims engage in their morning activities setting up their local flea-market, where they sell food, second-hand clothes, rusty car spares, old toys and many other goods, which some people claim are stolen.
The locals recognize strangers straightaway, and are afraid of talking to the press. Most of them, especially the older ones, do not even speak Arabic.
One of the few Saudis living among the foreigners said that their fear came from 'the constant police raids that these areas are subjected to.'
The young man, who wanted to remain anonymous, said that local authorities imposed a daily midnight-to-dawn curfew on these areas. 'When I attempt to go out after dusk, I meet several checkpoints, and I'm asked all kinds of questions even though I'm a Saudi.'
He said he had to justify himself for leaving his house, and repeatedly explain his whereabouts. But everyone in these areas faced the same security restrictions.
'Everyone knows (the authorities) cannot control this (illegal) populace. If they arrest ten of them, 50 others will come in their place.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1290468.php/Mecca_a_sanctuary_for_non-Arab_illegal_dreamers
http://rawstory.com/news/dpa/Mecca_a_sanctuary_for_non_Arab_ille_04122007.html
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 12, 2007, 14:08 GMT
Mecca - For some non-Arab Muslims, Mecca not only represents sanctity. It also embodies a notion not unlike the 'American dream' - a place promising a secure job, food on the table and a happy family.
Mecca has a special place in the hearts of Muslims as the birth place of the Prophet Mohammed, the founder of Islam, and the place where the Koran was revealed to him.
It also houses the Kaaba, the central stone structure believed to have been built by Abraham - a place of pilgrimage for Muslims from all over the world, and the place to which they direct their prayers five times a day.
There are two types of foreigners in Mecca: those who entered the country on a pilgrim's visa and stayed, hiding from the authorities, and those who took refuge there for religious or political reasons.
Both groups live in secluded neighbourhoods in the heart of Mecca or on the outskirts of the city, 73 kilometres east of Jeddah.
However, the dreams of poverty-stricken foreign Muslims, who seep into the city with their families in toe, are often shattered, and they frequently end up working in badly-paid day jobs.
Many of them resort to pick-pocketing, while others get into prostitution and drug trafficking, local observers say. Others beg.
Near the holy mosque in central Mecca, numerous foreign Muslims dressed in black ask the worshippers for money or food in their broken Arabic.
Persistent female beggars as young as ten trot in their flowing knee-length veils behind strangers, while the crippled among them make a point of showing their amputated legs or arms to the mosque visitors to goad sympathy.
There are no statistics on the number of illegal residents currently living in Mecca, but a police officer, who refused to disclose his name, said there might be 'thousands of them' living among Mecca's one-million-plus population.
They come in large numbers, he said, through main checkpoints or through unofficial routes in the mountains, and they are sometimes aided by Saudis who help them stay under-cover from the police in return for money.
According to the policeman, who is assigned to a local police department that monitors violations of foreign residents, said that at least '500 illegal residents are rounded up every night. Most of them are men.'
'They confess that they came to Mecca looking for a source of living,' he said, adding: 'They admit that they have not come for the Hajj or the Ummra (pilgrimages). Some claim they're Muslims while they're not.'
Some Mecca residents feel insecure around foreigners, who are often accused of violence. But the authorities failed to clamp down on them and only struck when crimes happened, some Saudis complain.
The Afghans, reportedly with expired visas, live in an area called al-Masafy Mountain, near the Old City - the central area where the al-Masjid al-Haram mosque and the Kaaba are located. The Burmese and the Pakistanis are largely based in Qouz al-Nakassa.
In Hosh Bakr, near al-Mansour district, where hundreds of Nigerian Muslims have been living for decades, one can see the misery. Amid the dirt and the garbage, their make-shift camps have slowly turned into brick and mud houses.
No larger than a cabin, each house is said to take in at least a family of five or six, some even more. Built along the rugged foothills of the mountain, the houses have neither sewerage nor electricity.
The people live on bottles of expired milk, juices and food that are sold cheaply. Water tankers tagged 'Well water, not suitable for drinking' drive around the area. The people use it for drinking and washing because it is affordable. A local resident explains that this is their only water supply.
No statistics on mortality rates in the area are available, as many inhabitants have neither papers nor identification. But accidents and disease are common in their communities.
Hanan al-Matrafy, a physician at a local clinic, said that particularly skin rashes and diseases were spreading quickly, as were diarrhoea and common colds.
However, she insisted that state hospitals were frequently sending health campaigns and nurses into these areas, providing free medication and vaccinations to both authorized and unauthorized residents.
'The state is keen that infections are not spread,' al-Matrafy said. Yet, some services, such as assistance at birth, are not free.
In the quarters around their houses, the African Muslims engage in their morning activities setting up their local flea-market, where they sell food, second-hand clothes, rusty car spares, old toys and many other goods, which some people claim are stolen.
The locals recognize strangers straightaway, and are afraid of talking to the press. Most of them, especially the older ones, do not even speak Arabic.
One of the few Saudis living among the foreigners said that their fear came from 'the constant police raids that these areas are subjected to.'
The young man, who wanted to remain anonymous, said that local authorities imposed a daily midnight-to-dawn curfew on these areas. 'When I attempt to go out after dusk, I meet several checkpoints, and I'm asked all kinds of questions even though I'm a Saudi.'
He said he had to justify himself for leaving his house, and repeatedly explain his whereabouts. But everyone in these areas faced the same security restrictions.
'Everyone knows (the authorities) cannot control this (illegal) populace. If they arrest ten of them, 50 others will come in their place.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1290468.php/Mecca_a_sanctuary_for_non-Arab_illegal_dreamers
http://rawstory.com/news/dpa/Mecca_a_sanctuary_for_non_Arab_ille_04122007.html
Monday, April 09, 2007
ANALYSIS: Rage and protests mark the anniversary of Baghdad invasion (dpa)
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 9, 2007, 16:15 GMT
Baghdad - Four years after the US invasion of Iraq, large crowds bearing banners with anti-US slogans took to the streets in protest of the US presence across Iraq.
US troops seized Baghdad on April 9, 2003, taking control of the major palaces and ministries of the Baath regime and effectively toppling Saddam.
In Baghdad, the mood on the anniversary of this event, was that of caution even though the streets of the Iraqi capital were quieter than usual as a round-the-clock curfew took effect.
Many Iraqis say they do not feel safer despite foreign military presence and some are as eager to leave the country as they were years before. Officials, meanwhile, find it hard to predict the future of the war-torn country as the security's grip on militants and terror groups appears to waver.
'The situation after the occupation became crueler than during the reign of Saddam (Hussein),' said 34-year-old Wasslim Sabri.
'Saddam went, and a hundred other Saddams replaced him,' said Ibrahim Salman, who is in his late fifties. 'The murders we see are beyond even the mass graves of Saddam.'
Both Iraqi citizens said they were unable to spend quality time with their families amid the current unrest. Security at every street corner did not end the violence, even as people's movements were restricted, markets barricaded and entire neighbourhoods were sealed off.
In other Iraqi cities on Monday, rage and anger was evident as hundreds of thousands of Shiite protestors flocked to places such as Najaf to protest what they called the US 'occupation' of Iraq.
A so-called 'march of millions' was called for by radical Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, whose feared Mahdi army militia is believed to have infiltrated Iraqi police and army ranks and is considered responsible for violence targeting Sunni Arabs as well as foreign and local armed forces across Iraq.
Those who did not protest kept to their homes for fear of an outbreak of violence related to the anniversary. In the media, Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds argued on whether the US invasion has brought about any peace or freedom.
Talking to pan-Arab Al-Jazeera, a Sunni Iraqi expert said that the only freedom that the 'Americans have brought is the freedom of the occupier to kill Iraqis,' adding that Iraq had suffered more after the invasion.
Ismail Zayyer, editor of al-Sabah al-Jadeed newspaper, responded that Iraq had always suffered problems, especially under Saddam. Shiites were largely marginalized. Kurds were heavily oppressed under the ex-dictator's reign, as thousands of men, women and children were reportedly attacked by chemical weapons and killed in their homes.
The arguments extended to include government officials. Sunni leaders rejected the US presence and blamed it for the ongoing violence, while some Shiite leaders blamed Saddam.
Saddam's regime 'carries the main responsibility to what Iraq has become now,' said Jalal al-Din al-Sagheer, a Shiite deputy of the United Iraqi Alliance which has 128 seats in parliament.
Adnan al-Duleimy, leader of the Sunni Iraqi Accord Front which has 44 seats in parliament, blamed the US, saying it had followed 'misleading information' in order to enter Iraq, 'turning the arena into a place where sectarian and confessional vindictive acts have spread.'
Still, others blamed both Islamists and foreign forces for the 'chaos,' including some Shiite forces like the Sadr faction.
Paradoxically, this invasion and the subsequent political developments has empowered Shiites, including the Sadrists, allowing them to participate in the political scene, which they were deprived of during Saddam's reign.
Nevertheless, Sadrists - such as former Baathists and Sunni insurgents - deem the US presence 'foreign occupation' and say that the multi-national forces should be driven out of the country because they lie at 'the core of sectarian violence.'
But whether it was driven by the occupation or the underlying religious tensions that have been simmering for years under the surface, none of the parties could deny that the face of Baghdad has changed forever due to the daily kidnappings, targeted and random murders, and bombings.
Government policies, enacted to stabilize the situation and end the surging violence between different sects, were ineffective so far - according to observers. Fard al-Qanoon, the new security plan, was liable to fail as even some officials have predicted.
When raids intensified in notorious neighbourhoods around the capital, militants flew to other cities and started attacking from there. The battlefield between security forces and insurgents was only relocated but the bloodshed continued.
Even US forces have failed to clamp down once and for all on terror networks and on the spreading insurgency, leaving people around Iraq in a dilemma. On the one hand, US presence remains largely ineffective, while on the other, a withdrawal of its forces could lead to 'a disaster.'
Speaker of parliament Mahmoud Al-Meshadany says in the April edition of pan-Arab magazine Al-Watan Al-Arabi that the new security plan was the 'only means' to resolve the deteriorating situation.
But he also said that the execution of the plan was 'flawed' and the lack of real support for it could very well lead to its failure.
'And if it failed, the US administration will fail in its Iraq project, the Iraqi political project will be disintegrated, and the greater Middle East project will fall apart,' he was quoted as saying.
'With this, all the American dreams will fall and (the failure) will open the gates of hell on (George W) Bush and Tony Blair.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=NjE3ODA0NTI3
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1289028.php/ANALYSIS_Rage_and_protests_mark_the_anniversary_of_Baghdad_invasion
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_23402-ANALYSIS-Rage-And-Protests-Mark-The-Anniversary-Of-Baghdad-Invasion.html
http://jurnalo.com/jurnalo/storyPage.do?story_id=28236
By Pakinam Amer
Apr 9, 2007, 16:15 GMT
Baghdad - Four years after the US invasion of Iraq, large crowds bearing banners with anti-US slogans took to the streets in protest of the US presence across Iraq.
US troops seized Baghdad on April 9, 2003, taking control of the major palaces and ministries of the Baath regime and effectively toppling Saddam.
In Baghdad, the mood on the anniversary of this event, was that of caution even though the streets of the Iraqi capital were quieter than usual as a round-the-clock curfew took effect.
Many Iraqis say they do not feel safer despite foreign military presence and some are as eager to leave the country as they were years before. Officials, meanwhile, find it hard to predict the future of the war-torn country as the security's grip on militants and terror groups appears to waver.
'The situation after the occupation became crueler than during the reign of Saddam (Hussein),' said 34-year-old Wasslim Sabri.
'Saddam went, and a hundred other Saddams replaced him,' said Ibrahim Salman, who is in his late fifties. 'The murders we see are beyond even the mass graves of Saddam.'
Both Iraqi citizens said they were unable to spend quality time with their families amid the current unrest. Security at every street corner did not end the violence, even as people's movements were restricted, markets barricaded and entire neighbourhoods were sealed off.
In other Iraqi cities on Monday, rage and anger was evident as hundreds of thousands of Shiite protestors flocked to places such as Najaf to protest what they called the US 'occupation' of Iraq.
A so-called 'march of millions' was called for by radical Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, whose feared Mahdi army militia is believed to have infiltrated Iraqi police and army ranks and is considered responsible for violence targeting Sunni Arabs as well as foreign and local armed forces across Iraq.
Those who did not protest kept to their homes for fear of an outbreak of violence related to the anniversary. In the media, Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds argued on whether the US invasion has brought about any peace or freedom.
Talking to pan-Arab Al-Jazeera, a Sunni Iraqi expert said that the only freedom that the 'Americans have brought is the freedom of the occupier to kill Iraqis,' adding that Iraq had suffered more after the invasion.
Ismail Zayyer, editor of al-Sabah al-Jadeed newspaper, responded that Iraq had always suffered problems, especially under Saddam. Shiites were largely marginalized. Kurds were heavily oppressed under the ex-dictator's reign, as thousands of men, women and children were reportedly attacked by chemical weapons and killed in their homes.
The arguments extended to include government officials. Sunni leaders rejected the US presence and blamed it for the ongoing violence, while some Shiite leaders blamed Saddam.
Saddam's regime 'carries the main responsibility to what Iraq has become now,' said Jalal al-Din al-Sagheer, a Shiite deputy of the United Iraqi Alliance which has 128 seats in parliament.
Adnan al-Duleimy, leader of the Sunni Iraqi Accord Front which has 44 seats in parliament, blamed the US, saying it had followed 'misleading information' in order to enter Iraq, 'turning the arena into a place where sectarian and confessional vindictive acts have spread.'
Still, others blamed both Islamists and foreign forces for the 'chaos,' including some Shiite forces like the Sadr faction.
Paradoxically, this invasion and the subsequent political developments has empowered Shiites, including the Sadrists, allowing them to participate in the political scene, which they were deprived of during Saddam's reign.
Nevertheless, Sadrists - such as former Baathists and Sunni insurgents - deem the US presence 'foreign occupation' and say that the multi-national forces should be driven out of the country because they lie at 'the core of sectarian violence.'
But whether it was driven by the occupation or the underlying religious tensions that have been simmering for years under the surface, none of the parties could deny that the face of Baghdad has changed forever due to the daily kidnappings, targeted and random murders, and bombings.
Government policies, enacted to stabilize the situation and end the surging violence between different sects, were ineffective so far - according to observers. Fard al-Qanoon, the new security plan, was liable to fail as even some officials have predicted.
When raids intensified in notorious neighbourhoods around the capital, militants flew to other cities and started attacking from there. The battlefield between security forces and insurgents was only relocated but the bloodshed continued.
Even US forces have failed to clamp down once and for all on terror networks and on the spreading insurgency, leaving people around Iraq in a dilemma. On the one hand, US presence remains largely ineffective, while on the other, a withdrawal of its forces could lead to 'a disaster.'
Speaker of parliament Mahmoud Al-Meshadany says in the April edition of pan-Arab magazine Al-Watan Al-Arabi that the new security plan was the 'only means' to resolve the deteriorating situation.
But he also said that the execution of the plan was 'flawed' and the lack of real support for it could very well lead to its failure.
'And if it failed, the US administration will fail in its Iraq project, the Iraqi political project will be disintegrated, and the greater Middle East project will fall apart,' he was quoted as saying.
'With this, all the American dreams will fall and (the failure) will open the gates of hell on (George W) Bush and Tony Blair.'
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=NjE3ODA0NTI3
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1289028.php/ANALYSIS_Rage_and_protests_mark_the_anniversary_of_Baghdad_invasion
http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_23402-ANALYSIS-Rage-And-Protests-Mark-The-Anniversary-Of-Baghdad-Invasion.html
http://jurnalo.com/jurnalo/storyPage.do?story_id=28236
Saturday, April 07, 2007
Analysis: Arab leaders cautions on Arab-Israeli negotiations (dpa)
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 29, 2007, 19:07 GMT
Riyadh - Renewing faith in the Saudi-proposed land-for-peace initiative, Arab leaders ended their two-day summit on Thursday with a warning to their 'peace partner' Israel that hopes of a violence- free region would collapse if Tel Aviv rejects their 'extended hand.'
The ball is in Israel's court now: that was the message that Arab leaders strongly sent not only to the Jewish state but also to the international community and Israeli allies.
'The Israeli and Palestinian peace dream could be achieved if good intentions and a sheer will are present,' Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas told official delegations. Discussions continued Thursday in Riyadh.
Abbas said Arabs are ready to 'double the efforts' in order to initiate a 'balanced and fair peace process' but gave a warning that 'putting off' action and 'wasting time' will only endanger the region with 'wars.'
The leaders agreed to relaunch the 2002 Arab initiative, promising full normalization with Israel and Arab recognition of the Jewish state in return for a full Israeli pull out from the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, including Jerusalem, and a withdrawal from the Golan Heights in Syria and some territories in southern Lebanon.
The proposal also includes terms that would guarantee the right of return to thousand of Palestinian refugees stranded in poor conditions across hosting Arab countries.
The Arab leaders collectively cheered the ambitious land-for-peace deal, regarding it as an extended hand of peace to Israel.
But the Arab leadership seemed anxious and perturbed over the anticipated Israeli response to the deal. Remarks by most of them, according to independent observers, betrayed doubt that Israel will accept the terms of this deal.
'There is no response from Israel so far,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told reporters Thursday. 'Israel wants normalization only, they do not want negotiations.'
Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi foreign minister, said the time frame for the offer depended on Israel and its readiness to directly negotiate, but also indicated no other arrangements would be considered.
'When Israel returns the rights of the Palestinians, Arab states will be ready to sign a peace deal with Israel,' the minister said. '
'If this happens next year,' the peace deal will be signed next year, he said. 'It is not feasible that Israel would replace this deal with another.'
Moussa repeated that the Arabic position was that normalization would 'not be for free.'
Ismail Haniyeh, Palestinian premier, said the summit showed that the problem 'is not with the Arabs or the Palestinians. It is the problem of the Israelis.'
'They refuse to have a discussion on the Arab initiatives and refuse to recognize the legitimate right of return of the Palestinian people,' he said.
Saeb Erakat, senior Palestinian negotiator, earlier charged that Israel was trying to 'block' the channels that had been opened from the Palestinian side.
The Arab League intends to submit its offer to the United Nations and international community as a framework of action, discussion and negotiation.
'We are the most keen when it comes to international laws, (because) we are the side which paid the highest price. We suffered and we still (suffer) from isolation, massacres and prisons,' said Abbas.
An Arab committee, headed by Saudi leadership, would be formed to follow up and engage with the Mideast Quartet - Russia, the US, the United Nations and European Union - which have laid out a roadmap for peace that includes a two-state solution.
The Arab committee is expected to include 13 countries, including Egypt, Jordan and Morocco, who will be negotiating directly with Israel.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon told Arab leaders Wednesday that 'the Arab peace initiative is one of the pillars of the peace process.'
'When I was in Israel, I urged my Israeli friends to take a fresh look,' he said.
Local commentators reflected the reproach for Israel shown by leaders at the summit. In a Saudi newspaper, an analysis expressed concern that Israel would feel threatened by the Arabs' so-called 'show of strength' and apparent unified message.
In a newspaper comic strip, a large hand tagged 'Arab summit' held out a white dove in a peace overture toward another hand bearing the Jewish Star of David, clenched in a fist.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link(s): http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1284637.php/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab-Israeli_negotiations
http://www.eux.tv/article.aspx?articleId=5644
http://www.neurope.eu/view_news.php?id=72153
http://rawstory.com/news/dpa/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab_Israe_03292007.html
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 29, 2007, 19:07 GMT
Riyadh - Renewing faith in the Saudi-proposed land-for-peace initiative, Arab leaders ended their two-day summit on Thursday with a warning to their 'peace partner' Israel that hopes of a violence- free region would collapse if Tel Aviv rejects their 'extended hand.'
The ball is in Israel's court now: that was the message that Arab leaders strongly sent not only to the Jewish state but also to the international community and Israeli allies.
'The Israeli and Palestinian peace dream could be achieved if good intentions and a sheer will are present,' Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas told official delegations. Discussions continued Thursday in Riyadh.
Abbas said Arabs are ready to 'double the efforts' in order to initiate a 'balanced and fair peace process' but gave a warning that 'putting off' action and 'wasting time' will only endanger the region with 'wars.'
The leaders agreed to relaunch the 2002 Arab initiative, promising full normalization with Israel and Arab recognition of the Jewish state in return for a full Israeli pull out from the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, including Jerusalem, and a withdrawal from the Golan Heights in Syria and some territories in southern Lebanon.
The proposal also includes terms that would guarantee the right of return to thousand of Palestinian refugees stranded in poor conditions across hosting Arab countries.
The Arab leaders collectively cheered the ambitious land-for-peace deal, regarding it as an extended hand of peace to Israel.
But the Arab leadership seemed anxious and perturbed over the anticipated Israeli response to the deal. Remarks by most of them, according to independent observers, betrayed doubt that Israel will accept the terms of this deal.
'There is no response from Israel so far,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told reporters Thursday. 'Israel wants normalization only, they do not want negotiations.'
Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi foreign minister, said the time frame for the offer depended on Israel and its readiness to directly negotiate, but also indicated no other arrangements would be considered.
'When Israel returns the rights of the Palestinians, Arab states will be ready to sign a peace deal with Israel,' the minister said. '
'If this happens next year,' the peace deal will be signed next year, he said. 'It is not feasible that Israel would replace this deal with another.'
Moussa repeated that the Arabic position was that normalization would 'not be for free.'
Ismail Haniyeh, Palestinian premier, said the summit showed that the problem 'is not with the Arabs or the Palestinians. It is the problem of the Israelis.'
'They refuse to have a discussion on the Arab initiatives and refuse to recognize the legitimate right of return of the Palestinian people,' he said.
Saeb Erakat, senior Palestinian negotiator, earlier charged that Israel was trying to 'block' the channels that had been opened from the Palestinian side.
The Arab League intends to submit its offer to the United Nations and international community as a framework of action, discussion and negotiation.
'We are the most keen when it comes to international laws, (because) we are the side which paid the highest price. We suffered and we still (suffer) from isolation, massacres and prisons,' said Abbas.
An Arab committee, headed by Saudi leadership, would be formed to follow up and engage with the Mideast Quartet - Russia, the US, the United Nations and European Union - which have laid out a roadmap for peace that includes a two-state solution.
The Arab committee is expected to include 13 countries, including Egypt, Jordan and Morocco, who will be negotiating directly with Israel.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon told Arab leaders Wednesday that 'the Arab peace initiative is one of the pillars of the peace process.'
'When I was in Israel, I urged my Israeli friends to take a fresh look,' he said.
Local commentators reflected the reproach for Israel shown by leaders at the summit. In a Saudi newspaper, an analysis expressed concern that Israel would feel threatened by the Arabs' so-called 'show of strength' and apparent unified message.
In a newspaper comic strip, a large hand tagged 'Arab summit' held out a white dove in a peace overture toward another hand bearing the Jewish Star of David, clenched in a fist.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link(s): http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1284637.php/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab-Israeli_negotiations
http://www.eux.tv/article.aspx?articleId=5644
http://www.neurope.eu/view_news.php?id=72153
http://rawstory.com/news/dpa/Arab_leaders_cautious_on_Arab_Israe_03292007.html
News Feature: Mideast faces "unprecedented" challenges - Amr Moussa
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 28, 2007, 16:19 GMT
Riyadh - The region faces challenges 'unprecedented in the contemporary history of both the Middle East and Arab World,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told Wednesday's opening of the Arab League summit in Riyadh Wednesday.
The Arab world was facing 'a dangerous situation,' he warned. Arab leaders had to beware of passivity and moves without real achievements that could take their efforts 'back to square one.'
Adopting a similar line during a round of opening speeches, Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdel-Aziz blamed Arab leaders' disputes and their failure to take a united stand for the crisis in the Middle East. He urged Arabs to overcome their confessional conflicts.
'What have we achieved during all those past years in order to solve (our disputes)? I don't lay the blame on the Arab League, because the Arab League all but accurately reflects our state,' the Saudi king said.
'Our continuous disputes, our refusal to pursue unity - all this has made the (Arab) nation lose trust in our credibility, and lose hope,' he said. 'Dissent is not our fate, and backwardness is not our final destiny.' But he stressed that he remained full of hope 'despite reasons for desperation.'
Remarks by many addressing the summit showed distress over the deteriorating situation in different parts of the war-ravaged region.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, who spoke as a guest, spoke of the 'complex challenges' the Middle East was facing.
'The Middle East is more complex, more fragile and more dangerous than it has been in a long time,' he said.
Summit speeches were dominated by sectarian strife in Iraq verging on civil war, and the political standoff in Lebanon and the situation in Darfur.
Observers said the common denominator at the summit was the leaders' plea for Arab states to 'unite' and prioritize regional interests.
The summit - hosted for the first time by Saudi Arabia - is reviving a 2002 Saudi peace proposal that promises Arab recognition of Israel in return for a full pullout from the occupied territories.
The meeting features delegations from many Arab states - although there are notable absences including Libya, which earlier officially announced a boycott.
The agenda was also dominated by the situation in the Palestinian territories and formation there of a national unity government, cautiously received by the Western community and rejected by Israel.
The opening session also heard mention of Iran's nuclear programme and sanctions which the United Nations has agreed to impose.
Although leaders rejected any military nuclear programme, they insisted that 'dialogue and negotiations' remained the absolute means of solving any nuclear case.
'Talks and negotiations are the way to resolve these issues, just as other issues in other parts (of the world) have been resolved, without coercive procedures that are not necessarily in the interest of what is required to (maintain) regional security,' Mussa said.
Bilateral talks involving the various Arab leaders were meanwhile expected. Already, a closed-door meeting between Saudi King Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar Assad was reported to have taken place.
Saudi authorities are hoping to mediate a reconciliation between Lebanon's pro-Syrian Hezbollah-led opposition and the cabinet of Prime Minister Fouad Seniora.
Independent observers said Saudi Arabia, a major US ally, was working towards achieving the position of power-broker in the conflict-torn region.
The Saudis were hoping to facilitate peace deals along the same lines as the Mecca deal, which late last year brought infighting between Fatah and Hamas to a halt and endorsed a truce that lead to the formation of a national unity government embracing both groups.
Saudi authorities have imposed heavy security for the two-day meeting, with government employees given a two-day leave from work and airport roads sealed off. Usually bustling Riyadh was more like a ghost city with many shops closed for the duration.
State television and the print media lavishly praised Saudi authorities as they host the event for the first time, featuring favourable opinions from analysts and the 'man in the street', while hoardings proclaim 'Welcome to the Land of Humanity and Peace'.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.cjp.org/content_display.html?ArticleID=212601
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1284051.php/Mideast_faces_"unprecedented_
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 28, 2007, 16:19 GMT
Riyadh - The region faces challenges 'unprecedented in the contemporary history of both the Middle East and Arab World,' Arab League Chief Amr Moussa told Wednesday's opening of the Arab League summit in Riyadh Wednesday.
The Arab world was facing 'a dangerous situation,' he warned. Arab leaders had to beware of passivity and moves without real achievements that could take their efforts 'back to square one.'
Adopting a similar line during a round of opening speeches, Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdel-Aziz blamed Arab leaders' disputes and their failure to take a united stand for the crisis in the Middle East. He urged Arabs to overcome their confessional conflicts.
'What have we achieved during all those past years in order to solve (our disputes)? I don't lay the blame on the Arab League, because the Arab League all but accurately reflects our state,' the Saudi king said.
'Our continuous disputes, our refusal to pursue unity - all this has made the (Arab) nation lose trust in our credibility, and lose hope,' he said. 'Dissent is not our fate, and backwardness is not our final destiny.' But he stressed that he remained full of hope 'despite reasons for desperation.'
Remarks by many addressing the summit showed distress over the deteriorating situation in different parts of the war-ravaged region.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, who spoke as a guest, spoke of the 'complex challenges' the Middle East was facing.
'The Middle East is more complex, more fragile and more dangerous than it has been in a long time,' he said.
Summit speeches were dominated by sectarian strife in Iraq verging on civil war, and the political standoff in Lebanon and the situation in Darfur.
Observers said the common denominator at the summit was the leaders' plea for Arab states to 'unite' and prioritize regional interests.
The summit - hosted for the first time by Saudi Arabia - is reviving a 2002 Saudi peace proposal that promises Arab recognition of Israel in return for a full pullout from the occupied territories.
The meeting features delegations from many Arab states - although there are notable absences including Libya, which earlier officially announced a boycott.
The agenda was also dominated by the situation in the Palestinian territories and formation there of a national unity government, cautiously received by the Western community and rejected by Israel.
The opening session also heard mention of Iran's nuclear programme and sanctions which the United Nations has agreed to impose.
Although leaders rejected any military nuclear programme, they insisted that 'dialogue and negotiations' remained the absolute means of solving any nuclear case.
'Talks and negotiations are the way to resolve these issues, just as other issues in other parts (of the world) have been resolved, without coercive procedures that are not necessarily in the interest of what is required to (maintain) regional security,' Mussa said.
Bilateral talks involving the various Arab leaders were meanwhile expected. Already, a closed-door meeting between Saudi King Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar Assad was reported to have taken place.
Saudi authorities are hoping to mediate a reconciliation between Lebanon's pro-Syrian Hezbollah-led opposition and the cabinet of Prime Minister Fouad Seniora.
Independent observers said Saudi Arabia, a major US ally, was working towards achieving the position of power-broker in the conflict-torn region.
The Saudis were hoping to facilitate peace deals along the same lines as the Mecca deal, which late last year brought infighting between Fatah and Hamas to a halt and endorsed a truce that lead to the formation of a national unity government embracing both groups.
Saudi authorities have imposed heavy security for the two-day meeting, with government employees given a two-day leave from work and airport roads sealed off. Usually bustling Riyadh was more like a ghost city with many shops closed for the duration.
State television and the print media lavishly praised Saudi authorities as they host the event for the first time, featuring favourable opinions from analysts and the 'man in the street', while hoardings proclaim 'Welcome to the Land of Humanity and Peace'.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link:
http://www.cjp.org/content_display.html?ArticleID=212601
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1284051.php/Mideast_faces_"unprecedented_
REAX: Mixed feelings in Egypt ahead of key referendum (dpa)
Middle East Features
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 25, 2007, 18:13 GMT
Cairo - Ahead of Monday's referendum on the amendment of 34 constitutional articles, the mood on the Egyptian street is fluctuating between two extremes.
The opposition forces are enraged by the proposed amendments while the man in the street is displaying marked indifference.
The amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, stripping citizens of basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Central Cairo and top national universities have been witnessing a wave of opposition protests, led by such forces as the Kifaya (Enough) movement and the banned Muslim Brotherhood, over the government-backed draft of the proposed changes.
During Monday's referendum, Egyptians are being asked to vote on the entire draft of amendments, without being able to reject some and approve others. The same applied to Egypt's lower house of parliament, which discussed, reviewed and initially approved the changes as a package.
Amongst others, the draft amendments introduce a new anti-terror bill under Article 179 that places binding restrictions on Egyptians. The restrictions were deemed by many as an 'infringement' of personal privacy.
For instance, in case of emergencies and threats to national security, which are defined vaguely by the proposed bill, the police has the right to bypass individual freedoms.
In such cases, the monitoring of private phones and correspondence would be allowed, and arrests without warrants and the referral of civilians to military courts would be sanctioned.
Many opposition members believe that the new anti-terrorism law re-introduces the long-standing state of emergency 'under a different name.'
In addition, a much-anticipated change that has been called for by many Muslim and Coptic Christian thinkers has been overlooked. Article 2 of the constitution which enshrines Islamic law as the main and only source of law is not being changed.
Many intellectuals had called for this change, deeming it the benchmark of equality of citizenship in Egypt.
Independent observers have said that ignoring such an article was a deliberate act by the government, who is seen to be 'at war' with the conservative Muslim Brotherhood.
Many of the proposed changes to the constitution (such as banning religious parties) are seen to be directly targeting the banned, yet popular, Muslim Brothers.
Meanwhile, observers are saying that there will be a low turnout for the national referendum.
Many say that the lack of faith in the Egyptian regime, the disinterest of the man on the street - weighed down by economic and financial difficulties - will decide the fate of the amendments. Awaiting the much-criticized vote, ordinary Egyptians seem reluctant to give their opinions or even invest effort in protest.
'People do not believe or even understand that they can cause change,' said Mohammed Sayyid Saed, political analyst and a former leftist. 'There is a feeling of powerlessness.'
A random sampling of the views of the man on the street confirms the analysts' remarks. Many of those interviewed refused to be identified for fear of the security police.
A 35-year-old Egyptian taxi driver, who spoke on condition of anonymity, was dismissive of the proposed constitutional changes and the opposition.
'Those who said 'No' achieved nothing. (Imprisoned politician) Ayman Nour said no, and see where he is now,' the driver said. 'What they (opposition forces) are doing is meaningless.'
He added that he will not vote on Monday; 'I give my vote to something that would benefit me and benefit the people. If there is no benefit, then it's better to attend to one's job and other matters.'
People are more concerned with their own financial problems, it seems, and many have lost faith in politics.
But despite the expected low turnout, opposition protests are currently being prepared for and the possible police response to them are dreaded.
A few days before the referendum, security forces and truckloads of riot police are spread in and around Cairo.
'They plan to abort the pickets before they even begin, and they're giving a message to the opposition through the beefed-up security,' said Saed.
One opposition senior leader said that the opposition would not disclose their specific plans in advance.
'The government is in a state of vigilance, so we will not disclose now what we will do on Monday,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, the liberal al-Ghad leader. 'But we will do all we can to stop these changes from taking place, and impede the referendum.'
As the opposition prepares, the government are campaigning in the media to promote the amendments and urge people to vote.
Terms such as 'civic duty' and 'sacred obligation' were being extensively used in an attempt to encourage people to head to the ballot boxes on Monday.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1282663.php/Mixed_feelings_in_Egypt_ahead_of_key_referendum
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 25, 2007, 18:13 GMT
Cairo - Ahead of Monday's referendum on the amendment of 34 constitutional articles, the mood on the Egyptian street is fluctuating between two extremes.
The opposition forces are enraged by the proposed amendments while the man in the street is displaying marked indifference.
The amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, stripping citizens of basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Central Cairo and top national universities have been witnessing a wave of opposition protests, led by such forces as the Kifaya (Enough) movement and the banned Muslim Brotherhood, over the government-backed draft of the proposed changes.
During Monday's referendum, Egyptians are being asked to vote on the entire draft of amendments, without being able to reject some and approve others. The same applied to Egypt's lower house of parliament, which discussed, reviewed and initially approved the changes as a package.
Amongst others, the draft amendments introduce a new anti-terror bill under Article 179 that places binding restrictions on Egyptians. The restrictions were deemed by many as an 'infringement' of personal privacy.
For instance, in case of emergencies and threats to national security, which are defined vaguely by the proposed bill, the police has the right to bypass individual freedoms.
In such cases, the monitoring of private phones and correspondence would be allowed, and arrests without warrants and the referral of civilians to military courts would be sanctioned.
Many opposition members believe that the new anti-terrorism law re-introduces the long-standing state of emergency 'under a different name.'
In addition, a much-anticipated change that has been called for by many Muslim and Coptic Christian thinkers has been overlooked. Article 2 of the constitution which enshrines Islamic law as the main and only source of law is not being changed.
Many intellectuals had called for this change, deeming it the benchmark of equality of citizenship in Egypt.
Independent observers have said that ignoring such an article was a deliberate act by the government, who is seen to be 'at war' with the conservative Muslim Brotherhood.
Many of the proposed changes to the constitution (such as banning religious parties) are seen to be directly targeting the banned, yet popular, Muslim Brothers.
Meanwhile, observers are saying that there will be a low turnout for the national referendum.
Many say that the lack of faith in the Egyptian regime, the disinterest of the man on the street - weighed down by economic and financial difficulties - will decide the fate of the amendments. Awaiting the much-criticized vote, ordinary Egyptians seem reluctant to give their opinions or even invest effort in protest.
'People do not believe or even understand that they can cause change,' said Mohammed Sayyid Saed, political analyst and a former leftist. 'There is a feeling of powerlessness.'
A random sampling of the views of the man on the street confirms the analysts' remarks. Many of those interviewed refused to be identified for fear of the security police.
A 35-year-old Egyptian taxi driver, who spoke on condition of anonymity, was dismissive of the proposed constitutional changes and the opposition.
'Those who said 'No' achieved nothing. (Imprisoned politician) Ayman Nour said no, and see where he is now,' the driver said. 'What they (opposition forces) are doing is meaningless.'
He added that he will not vote on Monday; 'I give my vote to something that would benefit me and benefit the people. If there is no benefit, then it's better to attend to one's job and other matters.'
People are more concerned with their own financial problems, it seems, and many have lost faith in politics.
But despite the expected low turnout, opposition protests are currently being prepared for and the possible police response to them are dreaded.
A few days before the referendum, security forces and truckloads of riot police are spread in and around Cairo.
'They plan to abort the pickets before they even begin, and they're giving a message to the opposition through the beefed-up security,' said Saed.
One opposition senior leader said that the opposition would not disclose their specific plans in advance.
'The government is in a state of vigilance, so we will not disclose now what we will do on Monday,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, the liberal al-Ghad leader. 'But we will do all we can to stop these changes from taking place, and impede the referendum.'
As the opposition prepares, the government are campaigning in the media to promote the amendments and urge people to vote.
Terms such as 'civic duty' and 'sacred obligation' were being extensively used in an attempt to encourage people to head to the ballot boxes on Monday.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/features/article_1282663.php/Mixed_feelings_in_Egypt_ahead_of_key_referendum
ANALYSIS: Key supporters missing in Egypt's "battle for democracy" (dpa)
Middle East News
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 24, 2007, 10:19 GMT
Cairo - Egyptian liberal and conservative opposition groups say they have lost key supporters in their so-called 'battle for democracy,' in which they are protesting possible controversial amendments to Egypt's constitution.
Egypt is to hold a referendum Monday on the amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections.
The amendments are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, undermining basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Opposition members have underscored the absence of US support for their cause, while analysts deem this absence 'disappointing.' Meanwhile, most Coptic and Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, choosing neither to raise their voice in protest nor comment on the ongoing political row.
Last week, following the boycott of around 100 Muslim Brotherhood and independent lawmakers of two parliamentary sessions where the proposed amendments were finally discussed, the US expressed 'concern' over the political situation and the proposed changes.
US state department spokesman Sean McCormack said the amendments 'raise questions about whether or not the Egyptian government has in fact met its own standards and benchmarks.'
He declined to comment on President Hosni Mubarak's decision to move the referendum forward; a move which further angered opposition parties and sparked street protests.
Observers and activists alike expressed their 'disappointment' at the US' reaction, describing it as 'weak,' and 'falling short' of what they deemed 'real support.'
Observers have said that such a lack of support form the US makes the situation bleaker for the opposition.
In recent years, the US has been lending its support to liberal and pro-democracy activists in the Arab World, especially in Egypt.
For instance, during 2005's presidential and parliamentary elections, the US state department often issued strong statements against elements undermining democracy in Egypt, and against police brutality and restrictions on freedom of speech.
Arguably, the current absence of the kind of pressure imposed by the US state department during previous decisive political debates, has weakened the status opposition to the benefit of the government, and the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP).
According to Nabil Abdel-Fatah, senior political analyst at Egypt's Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, the US's disappearance from the political scene has given the government 'freedom to squash opposing voices, impose a police state and an authoritarian political system.'
Although some say that US support had not been particularly effective, others say that it had raised the opposition forces' morale - in turn increasing their outspokenness in facing the Egyptian government's steel grip on politics.
'In the presence of the US support, (the government) was not as violent in confronting opposition. They would not breach human rights against some of members (of the opposition) and they could not openly clamp down upon the opposition,' said Abdel-Fatah.
Nevertheless, Abdel-Fatah and other analysts, however, believe that the US government's position is as predictable as it is disappointing.
The regional state of affairs, according to analysts, has forced the US to strengthen its ties with its allies in the Middle East; countries such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia which have a moderate and friendly attitude towards the Western state.
US expectations that supporting opposition would curb the Islamist and conservative movements in the Middle East, and in turn growing insurgency and fundamentalism, have also been unmet.
'After 9/11, the US pressure on authoritarian regimes was due to expectations that the presence of reform, economic and political potential would put destroy the roots of terrorism and the justifications for it, and in turn make its own country safer,' according to Abdel-Fatah. But this did not happen in the manner the US had envisioned, he added.
In addition, the US's 'meddling' was met by criticism and resistance from these authoritarian regimes, their supporters and even some impartial intellectuals.
The US's status in the Middle East, where foreign policies have made its position weaker especially with regard to the Iraq, Palestinian and Lebanese cases, has arguably made matters worse for pro-democracy activists in some parts in the region.
The US is seen as in 'desperate' need of Arab regimes that could push for a peace process brokered by the US, and would consider the interests of Israel. This US need has empowered these regimes, regardless of how 'authoritarian' they are.
'The US is now facing the crisis in Iran, the siutation in Labanon, Israel's inability to destroy Hezbollah. And Iraq,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, senior leader of the al-Ghad liberal party. 'The US now feels that it is in need of these authoritarian regimes and so has stopped its support. The US' interests rule.'
Columnist and political writer Gamal Essam el-Din explains that the Egyptian regime does not care anymore about defaming its image, 'because there is no pressure on it.'
Meanwhile, state religious leaders have also been reduced to obsevers (perhaps by choice) of the political arena. Pope Shenouda, Patriarch of Alexandria and the spiritual leader of Coptic Christians, has distanced himself from the turmoil, only saying that the people have the opportunity to voice their opinions in the upcoming referendum.
Most Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, refusing to comment on the current crisis of sort.
However, on Friday, the Grand Azhar Sheikh Mohammed Sayyid Tantawy, one of the highest Muslim authorities in Egypt, spoke very briefly against refraining from participation in the constitutional referendum; urging the Muslims to vote without commenting on the current affairs.
Analyst Abdel-Fatah deemed Shenouda's reaction 'a politically astute answer,' adding that Muslim leaders - most of them government employees - are avoiding any type of confrontation with theregime.
'They don't want to say anything negative, anything that could lead to problems with the government,' he said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1282282.php/ANALYSIS_Key_supporters_missing_in_Egypts_"battle_for_democracy"
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=MTE5ODU1NTEzMw==
By Pakinam Amer
Mar 24, 2007, 10:19 GMT
Cairo - Egyptian liberal and conservative opposition groups say they have lost key supporters in their so-called 'battle for democracy,' in which they are protesting possible controversial amendments to Egypt's constitution.
Egypt is to hold a referendum Monday on the amendments which would make changes to anti-terrorist legislation and the conduct of elections.
The amendments are believed to be a threat to civil liberties, undermining basic freedoms and judicial control over upcoming electoral processes.
Opposition members have underscored the absence of US support for their cause, while analysts deem this absence 'disappointing.' Meanwhile, most Coptic and Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, choosing neither to raise their voice in protest nor comment on the ongoing political row.
Last week, following the boycott of around 100 Muslim Brotherhood and independent lawmakers of two parliamentary sessions where the proposed amendments were finally discussed, the US expressed 'concern' over the political situation and the proposed changes.
US state department spokesman Sean McCormack said the amendments 'raise questions about whether or not the Egyptian government has in fact met its own standards and benchmarks.'
He declined to comment on President Hosni Mubarak's decision to move the referendum forward; a move which further angered opposition parties and sparked street protests.
Observers and activists alike expressed their 'disappointment' at the US' reaction, describing it as 'weak,' and 'falling short' of what they deemed 'real support.'
Observers have said that such a lack of support form the US makes the situation bleaker for the opposition.
In recent years, the US has been lending its support to liberal and pro-democracy activists in the Arab World, especially in Egypt.
For instance, during 2005's presidential and parliamentary elections, the US state department often issued strong statements against elements undermining democracy in Egypt, and against police brutality and restrictions on freedom of speech.
Arguably, the current absence of the kind of pressure imposed by the US state department during previous decisive political debates, has weakened the status opposition to the benefit of the government, and the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP).
According to Nabil Abdel-Fatah, senior political analyst at Egypt's Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, the US's disappearance from the political scene has given the government 'freedom to squash opposing voices, impose a police state and an authoritarian political system.'
Although some say that US support had not been particularly effective, others say that it had raised the opposition forces' morale - in turn increasing their outspokenness in facing the Egyptian government's steel grip on politics.
'In the presence of the US support, (the government) was not as violent in confronting opposition. They would not breach human rights against some of members (of the opposition) and they could not openly clamp down upon the opposition,' said Abdel-Fatah.
Nevertheless, Abdel-Fatah and other analysts, however, believe that the US government's position is as predictable as it is disappointing.
The regional state of affairs, according to analysts, has forced the US to strengthen its ties with its allies in the Middle East; countries such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia which have a moderate and friendly attitude towards the Western state.
US expectations that supporting opposition would curb the Islamist and conservative movements in the Middle East, and in turn growing insurgency and fundamentalism, have also been unmet.
'After 9/11, the US pressure on authoritarian regimes was due to expectations that the presence of reform, economic and political potential would put destroy the roots of terrorism and the justifications for it, and in turn make its own country safer,' according to Abdel-Fatah. But this did not happen in the manner the US had envisioned, he added.
In addition, the US's 'meddling' was met by criticism and resistance from these authoritarian regimes, their supporters and even some impartial intellectuals.
The US's status in the Middle East, where foreign policies have made its position weaker especially with regard to the Iraq, Palestinian and Lebanese cases, has arguably made matters worse for pro-democracy activists in some parts in the region.
The US is seen as in 'desperate' need of Arab regimes that could push for a peace process brokered by the US, and would consider the interests of Israel. This US need has empowered these regimes, regardless of how 'authoritarian' they are.
'The US is now facing the crisis in Iran, the siutation in Labanon, Israel's inability to destroy Hezbollah. And Iraq,' said Nagy al-Ghatrify, senior leader of the al-Ghad liberal party. 'The US now feels that it is in need of these authoritarian regimes and so has stopped its support. The US' interests rule.'
Columnist and political writer Gamal Essam el-Din explains that the Egyptian regime does not care anymore about defaming its image, 'because there is no pressure on it.'
Meanwhile, state religious leaders have also been reduced to obsevers (perhaps by choice) of the political arena. Pope Shenouda, Patriarch of Alexandria and the spiritual leader of Coptic Christians, has distanced himself from the turmoil, only saying that the people have the opportunity to voice their opinions in the upcoming referendum.
Most Muslim religious leaders remain impartial, refusing to comment on the current crisis of sort.
However, on Friday, the Grand Azhar Sheikh Mohammed Sayyid Tantawy, one of the highest Muslim authorities in Egypt, spoke very briefly against refraining from participation in the constitutional referendum; urging the Muslims to vote without commenting on the current affairs.
Analyst Abdel-Fatah deemed Shenouda's reaction 'a politically astute answer,' adding that Muslim leaders - most of them government employees - are avoiding any type of confrontation with theregime.
'They don't want to say anything negative, anything that could lead to problems with the government,' he said.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
© Copyright 2006,2007 by monstersandcritics.com.
This notice cannot be removed without permission.
Link: http://news.monstersandcritics.com/middleeast/news/article_1282282.php/ANALYSIS_Key_supporters_missing_in_Egypts_"battle_for_democracy"
http://www.kuwaittimes.net/read_news.php?newsid=MTE5ODU1NTEzMw==
Friday, March 02, 2007
DPA: Christian-Muslim Clashes In Egyptian Town Leave Scars (shorter version/edited)
Middle East Features
07:30 AM, March 2nd 2007
By Pakinam Amer, Dpa
Authorities claim that "life returned to normal" in the wake of clashes between Christians and Muslims in the Upper Egypt town of Armant, but the incident appears to have left a deep scar on this once close-knit community.
The mid-February clashes were sparked following a series of rumours, the most serious and controversial being one about a "love relationship" between an engaged 17-year-old Muslim girl and Ramy, a Christian boy in his early 20s.
Issues of "honour" and "shame" are sensitive in Egypt, especially in parts of the country where societies are small and chiefly characterized by strong family ties and deep-seated customs.
Still, Armant - unlike other surrounding towns and cities - had no recorded history of violence between Christians and Muslims even though it once had harboured Muslim extremists in the 1980s, according to independent observers.
So when a vehicle and at least three stores, run by Christians, were torched near dawn by a group of eight Muslim youths, many locals expressed their shock - including the families of the attackers who said they had "strong ties with their Christian brothers in Armant."
The incident was "short-lived," said Mohammad Fathy, member of parliament who represents the constituency to which Armant, some 620 kilometres south of Cairo, belongs.
"A week later after the incident, life returned to normal," insisted Fathy. "Everyone, merchants and good people, stood together and compensated those affected by the clashes."
A few days after the clashes, the MP and members of the local council organized a "reconciliation meeting" where Christian and Muslim religious figures sought to calm the people and to "confirm ties of unity and intimacy" between the two religious groups.
"There is no fear now," said Makram Gerges Mansour, member of the local council and a Christian himself. "If you go down on the streets, you will find that life has not changed."
Some other Christians, however, are not so confident. Amonious Narouz Bekheit, a Christian in his 30s, is one of them, who can't forget how two weeks ago he woke up to the sound of pounding on his doors and neighbours shouting that his small photo shop was on fire.
Bekheit was questioned by the local authorities, and during interrogation, he was surprised to hear that his store was targeted by a group of eight teenagers - and not just because of the "love rumour" but also because of another one in which he was accused of circulating indecent pictures of Muslim girls, clients of his studio.
After the youths were arrested, according to the MP Fathy, one of them had told police about this rumour, claiming that Bekheit used to take pictures of Muslim women, electronically manipulate them, and then post them on the internet.
"My father and mother are from this town. How could I ever do something like this and expect to get away with it?" said Bekheit who does not even own a computer. "Now my reputation is ruined. And my business."
Abdel-Qader Hamza, father of 16-year-old Ammar - one of the Muslim youths involved in the attacks - said he was "stunned" by the violence. His wife had had a nervous breakdown and the four sisters were devastated.
"If my son has really done this, then I will be extremely angry with him," he said. "But I'm still sure that if my son did this, he did it spontaneously. There is no thought, planning or ideology behind this. It was an impulsive act."
Other rumours may also have fuelled the tensions, according to a man named Hassan who declined to disclose his last name for fear of being harassed by security police.
Hassan said that a few years ago, a rumour arose about "a Muslim boy who converted to Christianity and was later found dead. People say he was killed, others say he committed suicide."
Ramy Shaker Zaki and Samy Rezkallah, two young Christians who spend most of their afternoons in the MariGerges (St. George) church in Armant and who have Muslim friends, say the tensions are real.
Rezkallah and Zaki both said that they feel that "Muslims think they want to covert them to Christianity and they avoid them when they start talking about their religion."
After the mid-February incidents, the two boys admitted they had withdrawn from their Muslim friends. "We started to be afraid for ourselves, and for the Christian girls. We were afraid of dissension," said Zaki.
Zaki claimed that one of his Christian friends even overheard talk among Muslims who had wanted to attack a Christian mass.
After days of heavy police security measures which all but brought life to a standstill in Armant, the Church is urging Christians not to retaliate against the attacks.
"We were afraid," said Mohareb Nabih, an assistant priest at the Church of MariGerges. "I was afraid of the reaction of the impulsive young people - from both sides."
Even two weeks after the incident, the reluctance of many of the locals to talk about the incident shows that the fear is still there.
© 2007 DPA
Link: http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_16831-Christian-Muslim-Clashes-In-Egyptian-Town-Leave-Scars.html
Note: Scroll down for a longer unedited version of the same story.
07:30 AM, March 2nd 2007
By Pakinam Amer, Dpa
Authorities claim that "life returned to normal" in the wake of clashes between Christians and Muslims in the Upper Egypt town of Armant, but the incident appears to have left a deep scar on this once close-knit community.
The mid-February clashes were sparked following a series of rumours, the most serious and controversial being one about a "love relationship" between an engaged 17-year-old Muslim girl and Ramy, a Christian boy in his early 20s.
Issues of "honour" and "shame" are sensitive in Egypt, especially in parts of the country where societies are small and chiefly characterized by strong family ties and deep-seated customs.
Still, Armant - unlike other surrounding towns and cities - had no recorded history of violence between Christians and Muslims even though it once had harboured Muslim extremists in the 1980s, according to independent observers.
So when a vehicle and at least three stores, run by Christians, were torched near dawn by a group of eight Muslim youths, many locals expressed their shock - including the families of the attackers who said they had "strong ties with their Christian brothers in Armant."
The incident was "short-lived," said Mohammad Fathy, member of parliament who represents the constituency to which Armant, some 620 kilometres south of Cairo, belongs.
"A week later after the incident, life returned to normal," insisted Fathy. "Everyone, merchants and good people, stood together and compensated those affected by the clashes."
A few days after the clashes, the MP and members of the local council organized a "reconciliation meeting" where Christian and Muslim religious figures sought to calm the people and to "confirm ties of unity and intimacy" between the two religious groups.
"There is no fear now," said Makram Gerges Mansour, member of the local council and a Christian himself. "If you go down on the streets, you will find that life has not changed."
Some other Christians, however, are not so confident. Amonious Narouz Bekheit, a Christian in his 30s, is one of them, who can't forget how two weeks ago he woke up to the sound of pounding on his doors and neighbours shouting that his small photo shop was on fire.
Bekheit was questioned by the local authorities, and during interrogation, he was surprised to hear that his store was targeted by a group of eight teenagers - and not just because of the "love rumour" but also because of another one in which he was accused of circulating indecent pictures of Muslim girls, clients of his studio.
After the youths were arrested, according to the MP Fathy, one of them had told police about this rumour, claiming that Bekheit used to take pictures of Muslim women, electronically manipulate them, and then post them on the internet.
"My father and mother are from this town. How could I ever do something like this and expect to get away with it?" said Bekheit who does not even own a computer. "Now my reputation is ruined. And my business."
Abdel-Qader Hamza, father of 16-year-old Ammar - one of the Muslim youths involved in the attacks - said he was "stunned" by the violence. His wife had had a nervous breakdown and the four sisters were devastated.
"If my son has really done this, then I will be extremely angry with him," he said. "But I'm still sure that if my son did this, he did it spontaneously. There is no thought, planning or ideology behind this. It was an impulsive act."
Other rumours may also have fuelled the tensions, according to a man named Hassan who declined to disclose his last name for fear of being harassed by security police.
Hassan said that a few years ago, a rumour arose about "a Muslim boy who converted to Christianity and was later found dead. People say he was killed, others say he committed suicide."
Ramy Shaker Zaki and Samy Rezkallah, two young Christians who spend most of their afternoons in the MariGerges (St. George) church in Armant and who have Muslim friends, say the tensions are real.
Rezkallah and Zaki both said that they feel that "Muslims think they want to covert them to Christianity and they avoid them when they start talking about their religion."
After the mid-February incidents, the two boys admitted they had withdrawn from their Muslim friends. "We started to be afraid for ourselves, and for the Christian girls. We were afraid of dissension," said Zaki.
Zaki claimed that one of his Christian friends even overheard talk among Muslims who had wanted to attack a Christian mass.
After days of heavy police security measures which all but brought life to a standstill in Armant, the Church is urging Christians not to retaliate against the attacks.
"We were afraid," said Mohareb Nabih, an assistant priest at the Church of MariGerges. "I was afraid of the reaction of the impulsive young people - from both sides."
Even two weeks after the incident, the reluctance of many of the locals to talk about the incident shows that the fear is still there.
© 2007 DPA
Link: http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_16831-Christian-Muslim-Clashes-In-Egyptian-Town-Leave-Scars.html
Note: Scroll down for a longer unedited version of the same story.
DPA: Christian-Muslim clashes in Egyptian town leave behind a"dark shadow" (longer version/unedited)
Middle East Features
(unedited)
Egypt-Society/Religion/FEATURE: Christian-Muslim clashes in Egyptian town leave behind a"dark shadow" =
By Pakinam Amer, dpa
Luxor (dpa) - Despite the authorities‘ claims that "everything went back to normal" in the wake of clashes between Christians and Muslims in the Upper Egypt town of Armant, the incident appears to have left a deep scar on this once close-knit fragment of society.
The clashes, in mid February, were sparked following a series of rumors; the "gravest" and the most contentious of which was that of a"love relationship" between an engaged 17-year-old Muslim girl and Ramy, a Christian boy in his early twenties.
Issues of "honor" and "shame" are sensitive in Egypt, especially in parts of the country where societies are small and are primarily characterized by strong family ties and deep-seated customs.
Still, Armant -unlike other surrounding cities- had no recorded history of violence between Christians and Muslims even when this very city used to harbor Muslim extremists in 1980‘s, according to independent observers.
So when a vehicle and at least three stores, run by Christians, were torched near dawn by a group of eight Muslim youth, many expressed their shock - including the families of the attackers who have, as they described, "strong ties with their Christian brothers in Armant."
The incident was "short-lived," said Mohammad Fathy, the member of Parliament who represents the constituency to which Armant, 18 kilometres south of Luxor (600 kilometres south of Cairo), belongs.
"A week later after the incident, life returned to normal," insisted Fathy. "Everyone, merchants and good people, stood together and compensated those affected by the clashes." Ramy, the Christian boy whose last name was not disclosed to the press, was forced to leave town.
"We don‘t want to see his face again. He‘s the one who caused this turmoil," said a local council member. Reportedly, Ramy currently resides in nearby Luxor.
A few days after the clashes, the MP and members of the local council organized what they called "a reconciliation meeting" where Christian and Muslim religious figures huddled to calm the people and to "confirm ties of unity and intimacy" between the two religious groups.
"There is no fear now," said Makram Gerges Mansour, member of the local council and a Christian himself. "If you go down on the streets, you will find that life has not changed. The mood was not stained (by the violence)."
Some other Christians, however, beg to differ.
Many are reluctant to believe that their lives in this ancient town will remain "unaffected" in light of the recent tensions; believing that relations with Muslims are bound to be "fickle."
Amonious Narouz Bekheit, a Christian in his thirties, is one of them.
For him, it all happened two weeks ago; Bekheit woke up near dawn to the sound of pounding on his door. Neighbors were shouting that his store was set on fire. "I rushed to the store, finding people trying to extinguish the fire."
Bekheit runs a small photo studio in the heart of the rural-like city, whose society is entrenched in tradition and defined by conservatism like most of the cities and villages of Upper Egypt.
According to Bekheit, police said the fire was caused when someone put a match to a pillow that was soaked in benzene and placed in a box outside the store.
Bekheit was questioned by the local authorities, and during interrogation, he was surprised to hear that his store was targeted by a group of eight teenagers -no more than 18- not just because of the "love rumor" but also because of another rumor where he was accused of circulating indecent pictures of Muslim girls, clients of his studio.
After the kids were arrested, according to the MP Fathy, one of them had told the police about this rumor, claiming that Bekheit used to take pictures of Muslim women, electronically manipulate them, and then post them to the internet.
"My father and mother are from this town. How could I ever do something like this and expect to get away with it?" said Bekheit who does not even own a computer.
"Now my reputation is ruined. And my business," added Bekheit.
"And I don‘t even know most of the kids (that set fire to the store and sparked the rumors)," he said.
Abdel-Qader Hamza, father of 16-year-old Ammar -one of the Muslim attackers- said that he was "stunned" by the violence.
On the eve of the attacks, Hamza said his son went to sleep before midnight, and so he might have escaped later from his room. When the police came to fetch Hamza‘s son, his father said he willingly gave him away.
His son was charged with arson, like his seven friends, and he is currently pending a court hearing.
Ammar‘s mother had a nervous breakdown and his four sisters are devastated, said the father.
"If my son has really done this, then I will be extremely angry at him."
The father explained that he is ready to accept any sentence his son receives adding that he would inflict his own punishment when the son is released.
"But I‘m still sure that if my son did this, he did it spontaneously. There is no thought, planning or ideology behind this. It was an impulsive act," said Abdel-Qader.
Arguably, other rumors may have affected the actions of these young Muslims.
According to Hassan, one Armant resident who refused to disclose his last name for fear of being harassed by security police, said that the tensions between Muslims and Christians in Armant may not have been apparent, but they have been simmering below the surface for several months.
According to Hassan, less than two years ago, a rumor rose about"a Muslim boy who converted to Christianity and was later found dead. People say he was killed, others say he committed suicide."
This rumor, said Hassan, fueled beliefs that there exists a Christian trend which tries to convert Muslims, in turn kindling mutual tensions between followers of the two religions.
In the remarks of Ramy Shaker Zaki and Samy Rezkallah, two young Christians who spend most of their afternoons in the MariGerges (St.Georges) church in Armant and who have Muslim friends, such tensions are arguably apparent.
Rezkallah and Zaki both said that they feel that "Muslims think they want to covert them to Christianity and they avoid them when they start talking about their religion."
After the incident, the sensitivities were mounted, and the two boys confessed that they drew away from their Muslim friends.
"(After this incident) we started to be afraid for ourselves, and for the Christian girls. We were afraid of a dissention," said Zaki. Zaki claimed that one of his Christian friends even overheard talks of Muslims who had wanted to attack a Christian mass.
Security was beefed up around town, following the violence, and the small town was cordoned off, apparently to prevent another outbreak of clashes.
"I was having a hair cut the next day when police stormed into the store (owned by a Christian)," 29-year-old Gamal Abdel-Fatah said.
Abdel-Fatah, a Muslim, said the police would not even permit him to continue his haircut, and ordered him out of the store, which was immediately closed down.
The narrow streets were swarming with police vehicles, according to his description.
Life seemed to come to a stop in Armant, usually thumping with life and activity, for four days where people coming into the small town were lengthy interrogated, and a blanket curfew was imposed.
In the days that followed, the Church also stepped in and asked Christians, during religious sermons, not to respond back to the attacks.
"We were afraid," said Mohareb Nabih, an assistant priest at the Church of MariGerges. "I was afraid of the reaction of the impulsive young people - from both sides; Muslims and Christians."
Even two weeks after the incident, the reluctance of many of the locals to talk about the incident shows that the fear might still be there.
dpa pa xx
(unedited)
Egypt-Society/Religion/FEATURE: Christian-Muslim clashes in Egyptian town leave behind a"dark shadow" =
By Pakinam Amer, dpa
Luxor (dpa) - Despite the authorities‘ claims that "everything went back to normal" in the wake of clashes between Christians and Muslims in the Upper Egypt town of Armant, the incident appears to have left a deep scar on this once close-knit fragment of society.
The clashes, in mid February, were sparked following a series of rumors; the "gravest" and the most contentious of which was that of a"love relationship" between an engaged 17-year-old Muslim girl and Ramy, a Christian boy in his early twenties.
Issues of "honor" and "shame" are sensitive in Egypt, especially in parts of the country where societies are small and are primarily characterized by strong family ties and deep-seated customs.
Still, Armant -unlike other surrounding cities- had no recorded history of violence between Christians and Muslims even when this very city used to harbor Muslim extremists in 1980‘s, according to independent observers.
So when a vehicle and at least three stores, run by Christians, were torched near dawn by a group of eight Muslim youth, many expressed their shock - including the families of the attackers who have, as they described, "strong ties with their Christian brothers in Armant."
The incident was "short-lived," said Mohammad Fathy, the member of Parliament who represents the constituency to which Armant, 18 kilometres south of Luxor (600 kilometres south of Cairo), belongs.
"A week later after the incident, life returned to normal," insisted Fathy. "Everyone, merchants and good people, stood together and compensated those affected by the clashes." Ramy, the Christian boy whose last name was not disclosed to the press, was forced to leave town.
"We don‘t want to see his face again. He‘s the one who caused this turmoil," said a local council member. Reportedly, Ramy currently resides in nearby Luxor.
A few days after the clashes, the MP and members of the local council organized what they called "a reconciliation meeting" where Christian and Muslim religious figures huddled to calm the people and to "confirm ties of unity and intimacy" between the two religious groups.
"There is no fear now," said Makram Gerges Mansour, member of the local council and a Christian himself. "If you go down on the streets, you will find that life has not changed. The mood was not stained (by the violence)."
Some other Christians, however, beg to differ.
Many are reluctant to believe that their lives in this ancient town will remain "unaffected" in light of the recent tensions; believing that relations with Muslims are bound to be "fickle."
Amonious Narouz Bekheit, a Christian in his thirties, is one of them.
For him, it all happened two weeks ago; Bekheit woke up near dawn to the sound of pounding on his door. Neighbors were shouting that his store was set on fire. "I rushed to the store, finding people trying to extinguish the fire."
Bekheit runs a small photo studio in the heart of the rural-like city, whose society is entrenched in tradition and defined by conservatism like most of the cities and villages of Upper Egypt.
According to Bekheit, police said the fire was caused when someone put a match to a pillow that was soaked in benzene and placed in a box outside the store.
Bekheit was questioned by the local authorities, and during interrogation, he was surprised to hear that his store was targeted by a group of eight teenagers -no more than 18- not just because of the "love rumor" but also because of another rumor where he was accused of circulating indecent pictures of Muslim girls, clients of his studio.
After the kids were arrested, according to the MP Fathy, one of them had told the police about this rumor, claiming that Bekheit used to take pictures of Muslim women, electronically manipulate them, and then post them to the internet.
"My father and mother are from this town. How could I ever do something like this and expect to get away with it?" said Bekheit who does not even own a computer.
"Now my reputation is ruined. And my business," added Bekheit.
"And I don‘t even know most of the kids (that set fire to the store and sparked the rumors)," he said.
Abdel-Qader Hamza, father of 16-year-old Ammar -one of the Muslim attackers- said that he was "stunned" by the violence.
On the eve of the attacks, Hamza said his son went to sleep before midnight, and so he might have escaped later from his room. When the police came to fetch Hamza‘s son, his father said he willingly gave him away.
His son was charged with arson, like his seven friends, and he is currently pending a court hearing.
Ammar‘s mother had a nervous breakdown and his four sisters are devastated, said the father.
"If my son has really done this, then I will be extremely angry at him."
The father explained that he is ready to accept any sentence his son receives adding that he would inflict his own punishment when the son is released.
"But I‘m still sure that if my son did this, he did it spontaneously. There is no thought, planning or ideology behind this. It was an impulsive act," said Abdel-Qader.
Arguably, other rumors may have affected the actions of these young Muslims.
According to Hassan, one Armant resident who refused to disclose his last name for fear of being harassed by security police, said that the tensions between Muslims and Christians in Armant may not have been apparent, but they have been simmering below the surface for several months.
According to Hassan, less than two years ago, a rumor rose about"a Muslim boy who converted to Christianity and was later found dead. People say he was killed, others say he committed suicide."
This rumor, said Hassan, fueled beliefs that there exists a Christian trend which tries to convert Muslims, in turn kindling mutual tensions between followers of the two religions.
In the remarks of Ramy Shaker Zaki and Samy Rezkallah, two young Christians who spend most of their afternoons in the MariGerges (St.Georges) church in Armant and who have Muslim friends, such tensions are arguably apparent.
Rezkallah and Zaki both said that they feel that "Muslims think they want to covert them to Christianity and they avoid them when they start talking about their religion."
After the incident, the sensitivities were mounted, and the two boys confessed that they drew away from their Muslim friends.
"(After this incident) we started to be afraid for ourselves, and for the Christian girls. We were afraid of a dissention," said Zaki. Zaki claimed that one of his Christian friends even overheard talks of Muslims who had wanted to attack a Christian mass.
Security was beefed up around town, following the violence, and the small town was cordoned off, apparently to prevent another outbreak of clashes.
"I was having a hair cut the next day when police stormed into the store (owned by a Christian)," 29-year-old Gamal Abdel-Fatah said.
Abdel-Fatah, a Muslim, said the police would not even permit him to continue his haircut, and ordered him out of the store, which was immediately closed down.
The narrow streets were swarming with police vehicles, according to his description.
Life seemed to come to a stop in Armant, usually thumping with life and activity, for four days where people coming into the small town were lengthy interrogated, and a blanket curfew was imposed.
In the days that followed, the Church also stepped in and asked Christians, during religious sermons, not to respond back to the attacks.
"We were afraid," said Mohareb Nabih, an assistant priest at the Church of MariGerges. "I was afraid of the reaction of the impulsive young people - from both sides; Muslims and Christians."
Even two weeks after the incident, the reluctance of many of the locals to talk about the incident shows that the fear might still be there.
dpa pa xx
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